Urban Regeneration in China

Institutional Innovation in Guangzhou, Shenzhen, and Shanghai

Yan Tang, Dong Yang

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2021
• eBook ISBN: 9781000408058
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Architecture
• Subtopic: Architecture General

The book examines institutional innovation in urban regeneration in Guangzhou, Shenzhen, and Shanghai, three Chinese cities that have experienced sweeping changes in recent years, providing an ideal guide to the development of urban regeneration practices in China.

As a starting point, the book revisits relevant theoretical developments and the institutional experiences of urban regeneration in some Asian pioneer cities and regions, such as Hong Kong, Taipei, Tokyo, and Singapore. Moving on to the Chinese mainland cities themselves, the core comparative study investigates the institutional systems, key policies, planning formulations, and implementation paths in the urban regeneration process of the three cities. Gains and losses that have resulted from each city's institutional construction and reformation are discussed, as well as the underlying reasons for these. Drawing on these case studies and comparisons, the book puts forward some generic rules for urban regeneration institutional innovation, offering a valuable frame of reference for other cities and regions.

The book will appeal to scholars interested in urban regeneration and renewal, as well as urban planners, architects, policymakers, and urban development administrators.

1Introduction

Urban regeneration in China in the modern era

1.1 Urban regeneration as a perennial topic

A city is a living being, vital and in a constant state of change. Urban regeneration, a perennial theme in cities, has existed in various forms since ancient times, ranging from the transformation of urban squares in ancient Rome, the Haussmann renovation of Paris to the regeneration of the ancient capital of Beijing. The concept, practice, and value orientation of urban regeneration may vary dramatically, however, according to era, location, and cultural background.

The conceptual and theoretical development of contemporary urban regeneration can be traced back to the post-World War II era in Europe. In order to solve severe housing shortages and to restore war-torn traditional cities, many European countries actively reconstructed and renovated their old towns, while building new towns on a large scale. Various terms related to regeneration have emerged since then, such as urban renewal, urban redevelopment, urban regeneration, urban renaissance, etc. (Dong, Chen and Wang, 2009). These terms, sometimes used interchangeably, express different focuses of urban transformation under different backgrounds. In this book, the term “urban regeneration” is applied to generally describe the different types of construction activities, including renovation, maintenance, demolition of old to build new, etc., that transform existing built-up areas.

The overall development process of urban regeneration practice after World War II can be briefly summarized as four stages: urban reconstruction, community renewal, old city redevelopment, and organic regeneration (Dong et al. 2009). In the process, the motivation of urban regeneration has changed from solving a single urban problem to achieving comprehensive urban development goals, from large-scale demolition and reconstruction to flexible transformation on various scales. At the same time, the mechanism has evolved from government-led to joint governance and the values have shifted from the improvement of physical structure to sustainable development in social, economic, ecological, historical, and cultural dimensions.

Urban regeneration practice is strongly influenced and shaped by the specific background, in combination with the social, political, economic, and cultural institutions of individual countries. Ten dimensions have been identified as important for understanding contemporary urban regeneration practice in China: strategy, approach, property right, scale, target, actor, activity, urban function, land transfer, and resettlement (Table 1.1). The combination of one or more dimensions helps describe the features of Chinese urban regeneration practice at a specific time in a specific place, further reflecting their institutional background and operational environment. For instance, the housing renewal program in Shanghai in the 1990s can be summarized as the type of renewal practice that aims at a top-down government-led approach to housing improvement through the demolition and reconstruction of physical structure while maintaining the original urban functions.

Table 1.1Ten Dimensions of Urban Regeneration in China

Dimension	Elements
Strategy	Physical refurbishment, space creation and supply, land use optimization, historic and cultural conservation, urban functional and structural adjustments, regional revitalization, ecological and environmental remedies, etc.
Approach	Supply oriented (top-down), demand oriented (bottom-up), mixture of both
Property Rights	Public property rights (collectively owned, state owned), private property rights, mixed property rights; single property owner, multiple property owners, etc.
Scale	Single building, group buildings, microscopic spaces, urban areas, etc.
Target	Old cities and towns, old factories, old villages, etc.
Actor	Government, private/state-owned enterprises, property owners, social organizations, planners, scholars, residents, etc.
Activity	Demolition, reconstruction, renovation, preservation, maintenance, etc.
Urban Function	Function maintenance, function implantations, function change, etc.
Land Transfer	Expropriation, leasing, sale, allocation, transfer with compensation, etc.
Resettlement	Resettlement at the original/nearby site, relocation, financial compensation, etc.

Source: Compiled by authors.

1.2 The rise of China’s urban regeneration in the new era of transition

Since the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the focus of urban regeneration has been constantly changing, both in the era of the planned economy and during the transition to a socialist market economy. In the 1950s, due to large-scale urban devastation and limited fiscal ability, the government encouraged the full reuse of the existing urban constructions of old cites to revitalize the economy (Cao and Chu, 1990). The 1960s and 1970s were characterized by political instability along with chaotic demolition, reconstruction and occupation of existing buildings, and urban regeneration was not properly controlled (Xie and Costa, 1993). In the 1980s, Chen Zhanxiang introduced the “theory of metabolism” from Japan and pointed out that the natural law of urban quarters, changing from prosperity to decline, then to prosperity again, should be respected (Zhai and Wu, 2009). In the 1990s, Wu Liangyong suggested the concept of “organic regeneration” which emphasized the conservation and reuse of the historical environment to achieve harmony between the new and the old (Wu, 1994). Meanwhile, Zhang Jie advocated a small-scale incremental approach to urban regeneration (Zhang, 1996, 1999). As the 21st century dawned, given the criticism of large-scale renewal projects in old cities, urban regeneration adopted more small-scale and multi-dimensional approaches, with increasing attention to the conservation and reuse of historic and cultural heritage (Ding and Wu, 2017).

At the end of 1949, the urbanization ratio in China stood at a mere 10.64%, while at the end of 2011, the number had reached a record of 51.3%, increasing to 59.58% by the end of 2018. After more than 30 years of the “Chinese miracle” – as the rapid economic development since the reform and opening up in 1978 became known – economic development has gradually become more stable and transitioned to the “new normal” ¹ with medium-to-high growth, bringing with it the comprehensive transformation of society, politics, the economy, culture, and cities (Li, 2014; Wu, 2014). The shortage of land resources has become increasingly obvious in many places. In the city regions of the Yangtze River Delta and Pearl River Delta, around 40–50% of total land has been used for urban construction, leading to a severe shortage of new development land, which calls for urgent land-use reform as well as the development model shifting from external sprawl to internal regeneration, from environmental destruction to environmental protection, from developing manufacturing industries to tertiary industry, and from speed oriented to the pursuit of quality (Tang, 2015). Therefore, in the new era, especially since 2010, a comprehensive and holistic approach to urban regeneration that promotes the reuse of existing urban land and settlement has been key to urban development and construction in China.

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Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Series Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of Figures
• List of Tables
• Foreword I
• Foreword II
• Foreword III
• Preface
• Acknowledgements
• Chapter 1: Introduction: Urban regeneration in China in the modern era
• Chapter 2: The institutional innovation of urban regeneration from an Asian perspective
• Chapter 3: The evolution of urban regeneration in Guangzhou, Shenzhen, and Shanghai
• Chapter 4: Urban regeneration policies and regulations in the three cities
• Chapter 5: Development of urban regeneration institutional systems in the three cities
• Chapter 6: Spatial management and control of urban regeneration in the three cities
• Chapter 7: Urban regeneration implementation paths in the three cities
• Chapter 8: Urban regeneration fulfillment and experiences in the three cities
• Chapter 9: Critical elements and future development of institutional innovations in urban regeneration in China
• References
• Index