Women in Purple
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Women in Purple

Rulers of Medieval Byzantium

Judith Herrin

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Women in Purple

Rulers of Medieval Byzantium

Judith Herrin

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In the eighth and ninth centuries, three Byzantine empresses—Irene, Euphrosyne, and Theodora—changed history. Their combined efforts restored the veneration of icons, saving Byzantium from a purely symbolic and decorative art and ensuring its influence for centuries to come.In this exhilarating and highly entertaining account, one of the foremost historians of the medieval period tells the story of how these fascinating women exercised imperial sovereignty with consummate skill and sometimes ruthless tactics. Though they gained access to the all-pervasive authority of the Byzantine ruling dynasty through marriage, all three continued to wear the imperial purple and wield tremendous power as widows. From Constantinople, their own Queen City, the empresses undermined competitors and governed like men. They conducted diplomacy across the known world, negotiating with the likes of Charlemagne, Roman popes, and the great Arab caliph Harun al Rashid.Vehemently rejecting the ban on holy images instituted by their male relatives, Irene and Theodora used craft and power to reverse the official iconoclasm and restore icons to their place of adoration in the Eastern Church. In so doing, they profoundly altered the course of history. The art—and not only the art—of Byzantium, of Islam, and of the West would have been very different without them.As Judith Herrin traces the surviving evidence, she evokes the complex and deeply religious world of Constantinople in the aftermath of Arab conquest. She brings to life its monuments and palaces, its court ceremonies and rituals, the role of eunuchs (the "third sex"), bride shows, and the influence of warring monks and patriarchs. Based on new research and written for a general audience, Women in Purple reshapes our understanding of an empire that lasted a thousand years and splashes fresh light on the relationship of women to power.

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Year
2021
ISBN
9781400843220
CHAPTER 1
Constantinople and the World of Byzantium
During the fourth century AD the East Mediterranean world which had long formed part of the Roman Empire was dramatically altered by the establishment of a new capital city. On the site of the ancient Greek colony of Byzantium (Byzantion), overlooking the Bosphoros which separates Europe from Asia, Constantine I inaugurated the city named after himself in 330. Constantinople was also known from the beginning as New Rome to indicate its role as an eastern capital equivalent to Old Rome on the Tiber. It was to outlive its predecessor as a centre to which all Roman roads and all shipping lanes led, as well as the seat of imperial government for over a millennium, until 1453. It persistently identified itself as the capital of the Roman Empire, whose citizens were Romans (Romaioi in Greek). The inhabitants of the capital also took pride in the name Byzantine (derived from the ancient colony), which they reserved to themselves. During the Christian Middle Ages the city of Constantine was the largest, finest and wealthiest metropolis of the known world.
Such an outcome was far from inevitable. Constantinople remained little more than a vast construction site during its founder’s lifetime. Constantine I’s sons and more distant relatives who governed the eastern half of the empire might well have preferred the established centres of imperial rule: Nikomedeia, grandly rebuilt and beautified by Diocletian in the late third century, or Antioch, favoured by Julian. But several factors ensured that by the second quarter of the fifth century Constantinople had assumed a dominant position and was already referred to as the ‘Queen City’ or ‘imperial city’.
The first of these lay in its geographical situation. When they had selected this triangular peninsula of land, the ancient Greeks from Megara picked a spectacular bluff controlling the naval passage between the Black Sea and the Aegean. It was easily defended and included a deep-water harbour on an inlet called the Golden Horn, which could be protected by an iron chain suspended between the city and the area to the north, later called Galata or Pera, ‘over there’. This permitted sailing vessels to moor and unload safely on the northern edge of the city, encouraging the development of both long-distance trade and naval repairs. Within a few generations of the foundation of Constantinople, emperors had taken advantage of this strategic spot to exact taxes on all cargoes carried by sea past the city. Naval expertise on the Bosphoros, with its dangerous deep and upper currents, guaranteed the city’s control of the narrow strip of water, and helped to turn Constantinople into an international entrepôt
The confluence of land and sea routes similarly brought a vast range of goods to the city’s markets. Spices, pepper, ivory, precious stones and incense came from the east via the Red Sea and Egypt; furs, amber, gold and garnets from the north; silks, jewels and porcelain were carried overland from China, which sustained contacts with Byzantium into the seventh century, and fish paste, wine, fine pottery and lamps from the western Mediterranean. All this economic activity was encouraged by Constantine’s decision to divert grain supplies from Egypt to feed the population of his new capital, based on the model employed for Old Rome. Selected residents of the city received distributions of free bread made from the high-quality wheat grown in the Nile valley. Once the construction of the Hippodrome, the chief place of public entertainment, was completed, and chariot- and horse-racing were instituted, the Roman tradition of free bread and circuses in turn rapidly attracted a growing population.
A second factor reinforced the city’s imperial momentum: the lavish endowment and decoration of the grandest public buildings, designed in a manner typical of capital cities but adapted to take account of the hills of ancient Byzantium, which commanded magnificent views over the Sea of Marmara to the south and the Bosphoros to the north. Constantinople was laid out in traditional style with a notable palace adjoining the Hippodrome, (already partly constructed by Septimius Severus), grand colonnaded avenues linking the public buildings and commemorative monuments. In a competitive spirit, successive emperors left their mark on the growing capital, setting up honorary columns topped by imperial statues, building triumphal arches and more lavish baths, markets, forums and hostels for public use. Nor did they neglect the traditional decoration of ancient cities with acclaimed works of classical art: a huge bronze Athena was brought from Athens, and four gilded bronze horses allegedly taken from Chios were erected above the entrance to the Hippodrome. (After 1204 they were to be looted by the Venetians, who put them on the façade of the church of San Marco.) Inside the racing area, on the central spina which divided the tracks, a reclining Herakles by Lysippos, the twisted serpent column from Delphi and an obelisk from Egypt, recording a military victory in hieroglyphs, joined other famous monuments.
Many public spaces in the new capital were named after the notable imperial statues which decorated them: the Forum of Constantine by a monumental statue of the founder on top of a porphyry column. Because the statue had a radiate crown, people said it was originally of Apollo, and had been reused by the Emperor Constantine to confirm his personal dedication to the sun god. In the same way, the Augousteion was identified by a statue of the famous augousta Helena, Constantine’s mother, and several other emperors and empresses. In addition, many ancient statues of gods and goddesses adorned the city centre: Zeus, Hera and Aphrodite, the sun and moon represented by Apollo and Artemis. On the Acropolis of ancient Byzantium, temples dedicated to Rhea, mother of the gods, and Fortuna remained with their familiar representations of these important deities. Statues of the Muses and many other less familiar local gods decorated the street crossings and public spaces. In the mid-sixth century, when the emperor decided to distribute them to other districts, over four hundred works of classical art were removed from the central area alone.
Yet from its inception Constantinople was also a Christian foundation, marked by Constantine’s construction of a church dedicated to the Holy Apostles, in which he deposited relics of Saints Andrew and Luke. This new character, and the third factor in the growth of the city, was emphasised by the establishment of an imperial mausoleum attached to the same church, in which the emperor chose to be buried. In adopting the Christian form of burial in a sarcophagus, rather than the Roman tradition of cremation, the city’s founder set an important precedent. It appealed to all his descendants and many later rulers, who also sought a burial spot in the same rotunda. They, too, continued to patronise the building of Christian churches, each trying to outdo the last in grandeur and extravagant decoration. The growth in Christian monuments was phenomenal. Over the centuries emperors as well as private patrons devoted their wealth to the collection of the most notable Christian relics, which they placed in their new foundations. They built institutions of Christian charity which were often dedicated to a particular social function: monasteries, almshouses, hostels, orphanages, homes for the elderly or burial grounds for foreigners. Gradually the Christian buildings came to dominate as they jostled with classical monuments such as the Senate House, the Mint and the Hippodrome, all decorated with ancient statuary. What we now see as sacred and profane mingled in glorious abundance.
Soon Constantinople outgrew the boundary drawn by Constantine I. Its rapid development meant that under Theodosius II (408-50), a vast area extending beyond the original wall was enclosed, almost doubling the city’s size. The new triple line of defensive walls constructed under the city prefect (mayor) is still the first sight of ancient Constantinople appreciated by a visitor arriving by land. It signals the achievement of fifth-century builders, whose massive protective ring withstood numerous sieges and kept all enemies at bay until 1204. Along the coast of Marmara and the Golden Horn, defensive structures linked with the land walls to encircle the new city area. These remained unchanged, apart from stronger protection to the fortifications around the church of Blachernai in the north-east, and to the sea walls. Within this enclosure granaries and cisterns, some vaulted, others open to the sky, were constructed to secure adequate grain and water for the growing population. Valens (364-78) had already linked the city with the forests to the northwest by a long aqueduct, which brought water supplies to service the bathing, cooking and horticultural needs of its growing population. Additional harbours were created for the unloading of cattle and foodstuffs. Constantinople became famous both for its magnificent defences and for its ability to maintain life under siege within its ring of fortifications.
Inside the city the building which still dominates the skyline is the church of Holy Wisdom, Hagia Sophia. It was built on the orders of Emperor Justinian after the Nika rioters set fire to the city centre in 532. Five years later, at its dedication, it was the largest church in the known world, lit by numerous windows in the vast dome (31 metres in diameter), which rises to a height of 55 metres. Until 1547, when Brabante and Michelangelo raised the dome of St Peter’s in Rome, this roof was unique. For centuries it elicited the awe and admiration of visitors. Even today, its colossal size and sheer bulk impresses by its power. In this respect it reflects the founder’s desire to outdo Solomon, to construct a monument larger and more grandiose than any other. Justinian’s ambition was matched by the technical skill of two mathematicians, Anthemios of Tralles and Isidoros of Miletos, who designed the building. Their plans for the dome did not prevent its collapse on more than one occasion, but it has always been patched up. Re-buttressed, the building has survived earthquakes and invasions. Its style established a model for the great mosques of Istanbul which now echo its grandeur.
By the sixth century the city’s character was assured: it was a cosmopolitan metropolis, a megalopolis in comparison with all other cities, and the seat of Roman imperial government which held sway throughout the East Mediterranean. It was secured by its walls and symbolised by Hagia Sophia; it was governed from the palace, which covered a large area between the seashore and the Hippodrome. This ‘Great Palace’ had grown in stages from Constantine I’s original constructions (the Daphne Palace, the Augousteos hall, the basilica church and related buildings for guards), which were all laid out following the model of Old Rome. They were linked to the Hippodrome in the same way as the Palatine was connected to the Circus Maximus in Rome. Nearly all emperors added their own buildings. In the late seventh century, Justinian II enclosed the entire area of the Great Palace behind walls and fulfilled his ambitious plans for a new palace, the Chrysotriklinos, which ensured the imperial family even grander living quarters. Constantine V (741-75) affirmed the centrality of the Chrysotriklinos by adding a new church nearby, one dedicated to the Mother of God at the Pharos (the lighthouse which guided ships into the palace harbour). By the middle of the eighth century, this vast area encompassed a series of buildings: residences, reception and banqueting halls, churches, government offices, barracks, archives, all linked by gardens, terraces, porticoes, corridors and passageways, some more secret than others, elegantly laid out to take advantage of the natural incline.
At the top of the slope lay the Hippodrome, the hub of the city, where horse- and chariot-racing, athletic contests and theatrical performances took place. Chariot racing was the passion not only of the people of Constantinople, but also of their rulers who occasionally took part. It created sporting heroes whose triumphs were celebrated by carved monuments erected within the racing area. In the sixth century, Porphyries was so honoured with a sculpture showing him winning a race with his quadriga of four horses. This public entertainment was organised by the Blues and the Greens, two groups of officials identified by the colours they wore. They arranged not only the races but also gymnastic displays, wrestling matches and the very popular performances of mimes, who acted out familiar stories to musical accompaniment, often with displays of dancing. By the time of Constantine, the combat of gladiators and of wild beasts against poorly armed slaves, prisoners and persecuted Christians, had been banned as an inappropriate form of entertainment.
As in ancient Rome, the Hippodrome was also used for victory parades and other imperial ceremonies. From the imperial box (kathisma), a large balcony which was accessible from within the palace, the emperor could address the assembled population: the senators seated on marble seats and the rest on tiers of benches above. To facilitate easy access the box was connected to the palace by an internal stairway. Justinian II provided a direct link between the Chrysotriklinos complex and the Hippodrome by means of a long covered way. These connections were vital because the circus served as such an important venue in the city. In less regulated moments, it was also the central place where crowds might gather to protest, to demand change, to riot and even to attack their rulers. But its normal use brought emperors and their courtiers to preside at the games from the imperial box overlooking the finishing line of the races. From this vantage point they would cheer the triumphs of the charioteers, retire within the palace during the intervals between races, and reappear in different costume to award wreaths to the victors.
The emperor was shielded from the surrounding city by a similarly private route which permitted him to visit Hagia Sophia without leaving the palace. Through a long, raised walkway that followed the line of the Augousteion and part of the church connected with the patriarchate, rulers had access to the gallery in the south-west corner which was reserved for them. The same route provided a secure link with the patriarch (archbishop, metropolitan) of the city whose palace adjoined the cathedral church at this point. He might also use this walkway to make a private visit to the imperial palace. In this way, the central government of the empire, largely housed inside the Great Palace, the imperial court, the ecclesiastical centre, the main focus of worship and one of the chief public assembly points for the inhabitants of Constantinople were all linked. The rest of the city stretched to the walls in the west, divided into thirteen regions and identified by seven hills, on the model of ancient Rome. Different areas were linked by broad main streets, lined by porticoes with shops and punctuated by triumphal arches, spacious forums with public buildings, water fountains, markets and gardens - in short, all the features of a classical city. And at the hub of this newly constructed capital, deep within the palace, was the imperial court.

COURT CEREMONIAL

The court of Constantinople combined three distinct elements: a traditional Roman hierarchy of ranks of attendants, some with specific tasks, others with honorary functions; Persian-style rituals, ceremonial costume and the employment of eunuchs, extended by Diocletian at the turn of the third century; and ever-increasing Christian influence, which adapted the physical setting of the court to resemble the court of heaven. According to the analysis initiated by Bishop Eusebios during Constantine’s lifetime, the emperor represented God and served as His regent on earth; he was divinely ordained to rule over the empire and did so only with God’s help. The imperial rituals of reception, audience and judgement developed according to this model, constantly enhancing the authority of the God-like ruler, creating greater distance between him and persons admitted to the imperial presence. The emperor was seated on a raised throne while visitors made proskynesis (putting the forehead to the ground) before him. In this imagined reflection of the court of the Last Judgement, the empress espoused the role of the Virgin Mary. As Theotokos, Mother of God, Mary was designated the most powerful intercessor in the court of heaven, a role which many imperial consorts effectively emulated in the court of Byzantium.
There was also a very practical side to court life; it filled multiple functions which revolved around the imperial couple. The court provided the machinery of government and the locus of most important decisions. When the emperor needed advice, he summoned the Senate, which met at his request and was no longer an independent body; the appointment, reception and debriefing of ambassadors took place within the court; all the grandest distributions of rewards and feasts were held there; most government business was conducted in offices attached to the court, and the imperial family including their children and all their servants resided within the walls. Over the centuries, a further aspect of court life evolved: this was an annual calendar of ceremonies performed by the emperor and members of the court to mark the commemoration of important dates (birthdays, anniversaries, most importantly of the foundation of the city), the liturgical celebrations of the church, and traditional activities associated with imperial philanthropy - the distribution of free food, clothing, coin, and other donations. Many of these functions took place within the Great Palace and concerned only members of the imperial family and court officials. But other events, for instance when he inspected the granaries, took the emperor outside the walls of the palace.
The language spoken at court was generally Greek. Although Byzantium had always been a Greek city, in his new capital Constantine I only used the Latin he had learned in Illyricum and the West. By the middle of the sixth century, Greek had become the official language of government, a development symbolised by the linguistic history of Justinian’s Code of civil law. While this was drawn up in Latin, the traditional language of Roman law, it was translated into Greek immediately after its publication in 534. Subsequent new laws were issued in Greek. Although law schools and certain court poets still used Latin, and military orders as well as some ceremonial acclamations continued to be given in this traditional form, Greek predominated in most activities. And spoken Greek was the lively vernacular tongue used on the streets of Constantinople and in the liturgy of the church, understood by all. Writers often employed a much more learned and arcane literary Greek, modelled on the Attic spoken in Athens of the fifth century BC, seeking to emphasise their knowledge of the past. In contrast, the common tongue (koine) allowed all members of the imperial court to participate in the language of government, of Christian belief and daily conversation.
This made a sharp contrast with the predominance of Latin in the West. There, Latin remained a learned classical language, while the Romance dialects developed into medieval versions of French, Spanish and Italian. To be educated meant to learn Latin, a skill which became increasingly confined to clerics, monks and members of the social élite. Latin dominated the life of the church, which meant that the liturgy gradually became less comprehensible to those who spoke Anglo-Saxon, Old High German, Provençal or Catalan. And because the western church subscribed to the view that there were only three Sacred Languages - Hebrew, Greek and Latin - it denounced the use of vernaculars in Christian practice. Prayers had to be said in one of the three ancient languages to be effective. This restriction eventually excluded the vast majority of inhabitants from the life of the church, while it also elevated the role of clerics and monks who did master Latin. It established a gulf between the educated and the laity. In the East, however, this was prevented. Once vernacular Greek became the lingua franca of the Byzantine court as well as of the empire as a whole, the uneducated, including women, had access to the medium of both church and state.

THE THIRD SEX

Within the palace, a hierarchy of ‘beardless men’, or eunuchs, ran the ceremonial life of the court under the direction of the praipositos (literally, the one set in place). These mutilated males were considered particularly reliable because their condition forced them to remain free of the vested interests of close family relations and offspring. The court of Constantinople reserved a distinct number of positions for eunuchs, thus creating a cohort of beardless men in contrast to all the others, officials with beards. In a society where becoming an adult male was marked by growing a beard, body hair was only one of the many features that separated normal men from the castrated. Depending on the age at which the operation was performed, some eunuchs retained their high voices, blond hair and the skin texture of childhood, though they often developed very long limbs. Those castrated as adults retained their male characteristics. But both were employed in the personal service of the rulers and were entrusted with particular responsibility for the emperor’s wardrobe and bedroom, and the women’s quarters within the palace. Since castration was illegal within ...

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