This Great Calamity: The Great Irish Famine

The Irish Famine 1845-52

Christime Kinealy

• Publisher: Gill Books
• Year: 2006
• Print ISBN: 9780717140114
• eBook ISBN: 9780717155552
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Historical Biographies
• Index: History

The Great Famine of 1845-52 was the most decisive event in the history of modern Ireland. In a country of eight million people, the Famine caused the death of approximately one million, while a similar number were forced to emigrate. The Irish population fell to just over four million by the beginning of the twentieth century.

Christine Kinealy's survey is long established as the most complete, scholarly survey of the Great Famine yet produced. First published in 1994, This Great Calamity remains an exhaustive and indefatigable look into the event that defined Ireland as we know it today.

1

Background: The Rags and Wretched Cabins of Ireland

In the three decades from the end of the Napoleonic Wars to the onset of the Famine, there was a debate amongst the influential classes in Britain about economic conditions in Ireland, the latest addition to I the recently-constituted United Kingdom. The debate included a consideration of the most appropriate policies to adopt in Ireland, especially in view of its relative under-development.

To a significant extent, the received and common wisdom in Westminster and Whitehall about the Irish situation was determined by the fashionable philosophy of political economy, rather than by the facts of the situation. This populist model of political economy produced an interpretation of Ireland as an over-populated country where sub-division of land and dependence on the potato left an excessive amount of idle time to peasant and landlord alike. The lack of economic progress was interpreted as a failure by landlords to undertake their responsibilities properly. Consequently, the solution to the perceived Irish problem was to break-up the system of ‘easy existence’ through a diversification of economic activity, an end to sub-division, a reduction in the role of the potato, and the introduction of men of energy and capital to the country.

To members of the British establishment, political economy provided a number of accessible theoretical propositions and behavioural assumptions that could be readily applied to the Irish situation. Moreover, the theory was both diagnostic and prescriptive, although at a necessarily broad level of generality. The most commonly discussed features of Ireland (consisting primarily of problems) could easily be made to fit into a predetermined stereotype. This analysis of the Irish situation was able easily to accommodate the onset of the Famine. Yet, the widely accepted notion of a rapidly growing population that could no longer be maintained by a potato monoculture was both inaccurate and misleading. Malthus’s reference to ‘the rags and wretched cabins of Ireland’ took no account of the heterogeneity of the Irish economy where a commercial and a subsistence economy existed side-by-side, often intertwined. On the eve of the Famine, approximately 5,000 country fairs were held each year dealing in livestock, and Ireland was exporting a large surplus of food—mostly corn—to Britain annually. Since 1800 also, Ireland had been joined in union with the wealthiest country in the world.¹

The roots of prejudice about Ireland are evident. The realities of the Irish economy in the decades before the Famine contrast sharply with a simplistic view of Ireland, based more upon theoretical abstractions and pragmatic considerations than the reality of the situation. A distortion of the nature of Irish social and economic conditions became accepted as truth by a number of leading economists. Hypotheses about human reproductive behaviour, for example, in the context of the provision of poor relief, were popular among the intellectual elite, linking high birth rates to indolence and the inactivity associated with poverty on the one hand, and too generous a system of poor relief, on the other. These assumptions on human behaviour were used to justify a particular system of Poor Law provision both in England and Ireland, in the face of compelling evidence that such ideas often were in conflict with reality, for example, declining Irish birth rates. The pervasive influence of populist but unsubstantiated views derived from political economy contributed to attitudes and views of Ireland whose prejudicial character resulted in a widening gulf between simple and dogmatic perceptions of the country and the truth of its actual diversity. During a period of crisis as represented by the Famine, prejudice and fear were easily translated into policy prescription. Influential contemporary theories, produced a caricature of the Irish economy. Yet these misleading theories were invoked (when convenient) to define the nature of the problem of the Famine, not as a human disaster, but as an unfortunate situation where non-interference was seen as the best hope of bringing about long-desired changes in Ireland. Paradoxically, this invocation of laissez faire principles in the observation of the process of Famine-induced change increasingly was characterised by a type of pernicious ‘intervention’ which simultaneously paid lip-service to the benefits of non-intervention. Thus, the government used popular theories, which were sufficiently flexible to adapt to the needs of an evolving situation, to justify its chosen course of action. Simultaneously, these theories were offered as providing a solution to the alleged problems identified in the same theories. Significantly, however, these metaphysical considerations helped to determine an economic policy ordained by the government but comprehensively implemented by its agent, the Treasury.

To understand the Famine, it is necessary to appreciate this web of theory, its development and distortion. Although such theories may have passed their zenith in Britain by the 1840s, in the context of Ireland they were still influential. They provided a ‘received wisdom’ of the nature of the alleged problems of the Irish economy and at the same time were sufficiently flexible to be tailored to the exigencies of the situation. Moreover, political opportunism, cynicism, and an abstract view of societies founded on theoretical ‘models’ of behaviour, created a dehumanised view of how governments might deal with social forces. This was especially the case in Ireland, which was simultaneously caricatured for its poverty and characterised as a potential threat to the economic development of Great Britain. The timing of these theories was significant. Britain, on the verge of industrial and imperial ascendancy, was perhaps susceptible to the belief that its potential could be hampered by the closeness—both geographical and political—of a poor, over-populated, potato- and priest-ridden Ireland. This political closeness, however, fostered by the Act of Union and the amalgamation of the parliaments of Ireland and Britain, provided the instrument with which to control the dangers inherent in the situation.

This is the general context for an examination of Ireland, concentrating on the development of those theories which shaped the actions of the key policy-makers. Within this context, the introduction of a Poor Law to Ireland is significant. Its development highlighted attitudes within Westminster to the problem of poverty in Ireland. The debate which led to the passing of this legislation in 1838 provided many of the theoretical antecedents which were subsequently translated into practice during the course of the Famine. The 1838 Poor Law itself, however, proved to be hopelessly inadequate in meeting the challenge of the Famine years.

Economic Conditions and the Role of the Potato

On the eve of the Famine, Ireland was a country of considerable social and economic diversity, between both social groups and regions. An image of Ireland as a poor, backward, potato-based country only partially represents its pre-Famine economy. Irish agriculture was more commercialised than sometimes has been depicted. By the 1840s, approximately three-fifths of all agricultural output ended up in the market place. The most industrially advanced parts of the country were situated in the east, facilitated by proximity to Britain, the undisputed ‘workshop of the world’, and helped by developments in shipping and other transport in the early part of the nineteenth century.

Following the ending of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815, there was dislocation both in the Irish and British economies as prices began to fall. Yet sections of the Irish economy did expand and there was a noticeable growth in exports. During the period 1815–45, for example, there was a marked growth in the export of grain from Ireland to Britain, facilitated by the existence of the protectionist Corn Laws which guaranteed minimum prices for home-produced corn. Britain, at this stage, was a net importer of corn and Ireland was her largest single supplier. The widespread growth and consumption of potatoes within Ireland allowed the export of a high portion of the grain that was grown. On the eve of the Famine, an estimated two million people within Britain were, in fact, fed with food imported from Ireland, and the demand for this food was increasing. In this way, agricultural Ireland was described with some accuracy as a granary for the remainder of the United Kingdom.²

The economy of the eastern part of Ulster was generally held to be the most commercially advanced and prosperous region in the country. This was due partly to the existence of the domestic linen industry since the eighteenth century which, although present elsewhere in the country, was most concentrated and developed in this region. Ulster was also the most advanced region (with the exception of Dublin) in terms of industrial development based upon the British model. As a consequence of such commercial development in some sections of the local economy, the north-eastern corner of Ireland had more in common with the industrialising regions of Britain than with areas in the remainder of the country. A similar diversification was also present within the agricultural sector of the economy of the north-east. Although potatoes were grown by a substantial portion of the population, the people in this region tended to eat more oats than elsewhere in the country. Flax growing also existed side by side with more traditional agricultural pursuits and many small farmers were able to supplement their income as part-time weavers. This alternative source of income was particularly beneficial during periods of crop failure. As the nineteenth century progressed, however, this occupation declined in importance, even in the flax-rich north of the country.³

Regardless of the diversity of the Irish economy, within Ireland the position of the potato was unassailable. The humble potato was grown throughout the country and was eaten—and apparently enjoyed—by rich and poor palates alike. Even famine and emigration did not sever the Irish people’s loyalty to the potato. It was also fed to animals—pigs, horses, cattle and hens consuming from one-third to a half of the annual crop. In years of low yield, therefore, the animals were the first to feel the impact of the shortages.

The potato is believed to have reached Ireland in the late sixteenth century. Initially it was used as a supplementary vegetable by nearly all social groups. For the poorest sections of society, however, it gradually replaced other foodstuffs and, together with skimmed milk or buttermilk, became the main component of their daily diet. This was occasionally supplemented with fish, oatmeal, cabbage and carrots. By the 1840s, approximately two-fifths of the Irish population, that is over three million people, were relying on the potato as their staple food.

There were many advantages to the growing of potatoes in the place of other crops. They were easy to cultivate and to cook. They were impervious to the inclement climate of Ireland and were able to proliferate even in bogs and rocky hillsides. Because potatoes could be grown in poor quality, marginal land, the expansion in the consumption of this vegetable also helped to increase the volume of land under cultivation. Potatoes were also very nutritious and taken in sufficient quantities with buttermilk, could supply all of the proteins, nutrients and calories necessary for a healthy diet.⁴ The size, fertility and longevity of the Irish population provided evidence of this. There were, however, a number of disadvantages. High dependence on a single crop meant that during the intermittent periods of crop failure, the local population was particularly vulnerable to food shortages. Because potatoes were predominantly a subsistence crop, those who grew them were likely to have accumulated little in the way of capital. Potatoes could not be stored over long periods of time, and their bulk made them difficult and expensive to transport. The very ease with which they were grown and consumed, however, had incurred the wrath of a number of influential people. Potatoes were held responsible for the twin evils which permeated the west of Ireland: sub-division and ever-increasing population growth. Moreover, the little effort required to grow them supposedly encouraged the Irish people in their alleged favourite pastimes—indolence and the production of children.⁵

These so-called ‘potato people’ had a number of factors in common: they were generally the poorest sections of a community, were amongst the least literate members of society, predominantly resided along the western seaboard, and lived in what were officially designated ‘fourth-class hovels’. Traditionally also, these were the people who were most vulnerable not only during the intermittent failures of the potato crop, but also in the ‘hungry months’ or ‘meal months’ which occurred every year between the old and new crop of potatoes becoming available. Although those who were most dependent on potatoes chiefly lived in the western portion of the country, this did not mean that potatoes were grown in this area to the exclusion of other crops. In fact, there was considerable diversity within the economy of this region, and only approximately one-third of all tilled land was devoted to potatoes. Consequently, subsistence and commercial agriculture existed side-by-side. Corn was also widely grown, although largely for commercial reasons, including export. Small-holders sometimes used it for the payment of rent, with the exception of a small portion discreetly held back for use in distillation.⁶

By the 1840s, the dependence on the potato showed no sign of abating and was even increasing in some parts of Ireland, including Ulster, the wealthiest part of the country.⁷ The extent of land under the potato crop reached a peak in 1845, when 2,516,000 acres of land, approximately one-third of the total acreage tilled, was for the use of this crop. In this year, which marked the first of a series of harvests ruined by a mysterious potato blight, an estimated 50 per cent of the potato crop was lost. By 1846, the extent under cultivation had fallen only to 1,999,000 acres, and blight had extended to all parts of Ireland. Twelve months later, the size of the crop had fallen drastically and disastrously to an estimated 284,000 acres, ironically a year of relatively limited blight.⁸

The ‘Condition of Ireland’ Question

Since 1801, Ireland had been part of the United Kingdom. Economically, it was an unequal union. For Ireland, being associated with such a rich country could have brought many advantages. However, the fruits of being part of the most powerful and industrially advanced empire in the world were illusory, and the benefits proved to be elusive. During the period from the Union to the Famine, the total income of Ireland did rise, but the benefits of this were uneven and the bottom third of the population probably grew more impoverished. As a result, the demarcation between both social groups and regions grew during these years.

Politically, the relationship between Ireland and Britain in the wake of the Union was also uneven. Following the dissolution of the Irish parliament, the island became subject to the parliament at Westminster. Of the 658 MPs who sat in the House of Commons, only 105 represented Irish constituencies, regardless of the fact that Ireland represented over 40 per cent of the population of the United Kingdom. The parliamentary reforms of the 1830s did not redress this imbalance. The 1832 Parliamentary Reform Act and subsequent legislation almost doubled the size of the franchise throughout the United Kingdom. Again, the impact of the changes was uneven. Following the reforms, Scotland, which possessed approximately three times the population of Wales, was given less than twice as many seats. Ireland, however, fared even worse. Although the population of Ireland was approximately three times that of Scotland, Ireland received less than double the representation. As a result of this, the electorate in England comprised of one person in five, compared with one in eight in Scotland, and only one in twenty in Ireland.⁹

Regardless of the high level of commercial activity within some sections of the Irish economy, the overwhelming contemporary perception of Ireland was that of a poor, backward country. The Act of Union meant that the British government had a vested interest in ensuring that the condition of Ireland did not deteriorate further. The early decades of the nineteenth century marked the emergence of an official obsession with investigations into the condition of society. The first national census of Ireland was taken in 1821, and subsequent censuses were taken every ten years. For the British government, the censuses and the numerous other official enquiries provided an opportunity to find out more about its new partner in the Union. Most of the information obtained confirmed the pessimistic view of the Irish economy. To official observers in Westminster and Whitehall, the Union with Ireland presented both a challenge and an opportunity to bring about change.

Inquiries into the condition of Ireland in the nineteenth century were concerned predominantly with its poverty, the system of landholding, the size of its population and the backwardness of its agricultural sector, especially the continuing dependence on potatoes. Poverty and how it should be relieved, not merely in Ireland but throughout the United Kingdom, was a major concern of the British government. To a large extent, the terms of reference of this debate were both shaped and constrained by the writings of a number of leading economists. One of the most influential doctrines was that of po...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title page
• Dedication
• Contents
• Note on Currency
• Introduction
• Chapter 1: Background: The Rags and Wretched Cabins of Ireland 1845
• Chapter 2: A Blight of Unusual Character 1845–6
• Chapter 3: We Cannot Feed the People 1846–7
• Chapter 4: The Deplorable Consequences of This Great Calamity 1846–7
• Chapter 5: Expedients Well Nigh Exhausted 1847–8
• Chapter 6: Making Property Support Poverty 1848–9
• Chapter 7: The General Advancement of the Country 1849–52
• Chapter 8: Their Sorrowful Pilgrimage: Emigration 1847–55
• Chapter 9: Conclusion 1845–52
• Appendix 1: Analysis of Loss of the Potato Crop in 1845–6
• Appendix 2: Analysis of the Variation of Employment on the Public Works in 1846
• Appendix 3: Analysis of Variability of take-up of Soup Rations in the Poor Law Unions of Ireland in 1847
• List of Maps
• List of Tables
• References
• Bibliography
• Acknowledgments
• Copyright
• About the Author
• About Gill & Macmillan