PART I
INDIGENOUS AMERICAN HAUNTINGS
In 1848, local historian Robert Bolton Jr. claimed that the Indigenous Americans who lived in and around the shores of todayâs Pelham and Pelham Bay Park comprised a band called âSiwanoys.â He claimed such in his seminal two-volume history of Westchester County, presumably repeating local tradition.1 Many scholars, professional archaeologists, anthropologists, and local historians have since assumed that a band of Native Americans known as âSiwanoysâ populated the region.2
The notion seeped into popular culture. Pelham has a Siwanoy Elementary School. There is a Siwanoy Place. Nearby are the Siwanoy Country Club and the Siwanoy Trail. Tradition and local history books say that Siwanoys signed a 1654 deed with Thomas Pell selling him the lands that became Pelham and surrounding areas. Clearly, Indigenous Americans had a rich and lasting impact on Pelham and its lore. But were these early settlers âSiwanoysâ?
Indigenous Americans, of course, populated the region long before European settlers arrived. Yet, contrary to Pelham lore there was no distinct group of Natives that might properly be labeled âSiwanoys.â Recent scholarship supports, at best, a conclusion that the few early Siwanoy references were general in nature and not linked to identifiable groups of Natives or to specific individuals.
There may not have been a term in the Munsee dialect spoken by Lenape Natives in the Pelham region that sounded like âSiwanoy.â Even if there were, any such term may not have had the meaning many ascribe. Noted anthropologist and Lenape scholar Dr. David Oestreicher has stated that his research suggests that the term âSiwanoyâ did not apply to a specific band or group. Rather, a word sounding much like âSiwanoyâ may have been used by Indigenous Americans to refer to others nearby. âIt was a loose term used to reference people who lived in an area and surrounding lands extending as far south as Delaware and as far north as New York, Connecticut or even ⊠northeastern Massachusetts.â Today, of course, no one knows if the term âSiwanoyâ had any meaning to the Indigenous Americans who lived in the area. Dr. Oestreicher, however, suggests that âit is guessed that the roots of the word âSiwanoyâ come from one of three other words meaning southerner, sea salt or wampum.â3
Similarly, John Alexander Buckland has published an important book entitled The First Traders on Wall Street: The Wiechquaeskeck Indians of Southwestern Connecticut in the Seventeenth Century. According to Buckland, the term âSiwanoyâ is a derivation of Munsee terms intended not as a ânameâ of a tribe or clan of local Natives, but rather as a descriptive term that denoted an activity pursued by Natives not only in the Pelham region but also in other locations, including Long Island, Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts. Buckland writes in his book:
[Indigenous Americans in the Pelham region] have been called the âSiwanoy.â Siwanoy referred to their occupation, however, and was not their tribal name. Many of their artisans made sewan, or wampum, along the shore, and they were the âSiwanoyâ (âoyâ means people), or âmakers of wampum.â Other Natives, who lived on Long Island, in Pennsylvania, and even in Massachusetts north of Boston, were also called âSiwanoy.â4
Due at least in part to the mid-nineteenth-century work of Robert Bolton Jr., the term âSiwanoyâ mistakenly emerged as a shorthand reference to local Indigenous Americans in the Pelham region who did not refer to themselves by any such appellation and may never have used the term.
Recent scholarship indicates that a group of Indigenous Americans with shared cultural traits, including a dialect of the Algonquian language known as âMunsee,â lived in an area that encompassed a large portion of New Jersey, Manhattan and Staten Island, portions of the Hudson Valley and all of the area of todayâs Pelham and Pelham Bay Park, and northward toward Connecticut and western Long Island. Dr. Paul Otto, professor of history at George Fox University, has studied this group of Indigenous Americans extensively. He writes that the Natives of the lower Hudson Valley and the surrounding region âcan be grouped as the âMunseesâ because of their shared cultural traits and the use of the Munsee dialect.â5
Dr. Otto has published a seminal work on the Indigenous Americans of the region who spoke Munsee: The Dutch-Munsee Encounter in America.6 He writes that those to whom experts refer as Munsees did not group themselves as a nation, a tribe or even on the basis of small-scale villages. Rather, âtheir sociopolitical groups can be defined in a number of levels including villages, districts and maximal groups.â7
The Munsees, according to Dr. Otto, commonly organized themselves in villages and related territories. He notes, however, that villages or even groups of villages also âclaimed sovereignty over larger territories such as tracts and districts.â8 Such local associations could form into what Otto labels as âmaximal groupsâ when the need for âbroad cooperation or consultationâ arose.9
Significantly, Munsees âused unique names to identify these various groupings (usually at the village level or close to it) by which the Dutch knew them and recorded in their observations.â These included a host of collectives, among which was a grouping referenced repeatedly in seventeenth-century records as âWiechquaeskecks.â10
Early Dutch and English records indicate that the Munsee band or group known as Wiechquaeskecks ranged in an area on the mainland north of Manhattan from the Hudson River to the Long Island Sound, well north toward todayâs Connecticut border, and, perhaps, a little beyond.11 The area included most, if not all, of the lands acquired by Thomas Pell from the local Indigenous Americans in 1654âlands that included todayâs Pelham, Pelham Bay Park, and much of the surrounding region.
Analysis of what is known about the Indigenous Americans who signed the Pell deed in 1654 by this authorâanalysis well beyond the scope of this bookâindicates that several of the Natives who signed the deed can be identified as Wiechquaeskecks. These include an important sachem and signer of the deed referenced as AnhÔÔke.
Research suggests that Indigenous Americans who signed the Pell deed in 1654 were not âSiwanoysâ as local lore maintains, but rather were part of a grouping known about that time as Wiechquaeskecks. That said, the romance and tradition passed from generation to generation of Pelhamites that Siwanoys once roamed the region prevails and has pervaded local ghost stories. Those stories, presented in the four chapters of part 1, are recounted as they have been told for generations with all references to Siwanoys retained.
Chapter 1
Headless Apparitions of the
Haunted Cedar Knoll
She had heard the stories. Though a youngster, she had heard whispers of the haunted cedar knoll.
The ancient rocky knoll, strewn with hulking boulders, stood in Pelham Manor along Shore Road opposite Christ Church. Though it was the early nineteenth century, the youngsterâs grandmother had heard frightening stories during her own girlhood in the late eighteenth century. As her life ebbed, the grandmother warned her little granddaughter against visiting the knoll.
Such warnings only piqued the brash little girlâs curiosity. She chose a windy night when a glowing full moon hung low in the sky to pick her way unsteadily up the boulders and rocks to climb the rocky knoll at its southern end.
Though the moon was bright, the furry branches of hundreds of ancient cedars on the rocky outcropping obscured much of the light. Because the moon hung low though, some light found its way beneath the branches. Shadows of the gnarled trunks and drooping branches striped the ground.
Each time the wind gusted, the furry branches shook and danced, casting confusing shadows that painted trunks, rocks, and ground. During one gust, the girl heard something eerie.
A howling shriek pierced the wailing gust. It curdled her blood. She knew howls of the wind. This was something sinister. As the shriek dissipated, she questioned her senses. Had she heard anything but wind? Then shrieks rose again above the whining gusts. She knew then she should have taken her grandmotherâs warning to heart.
Instinctively the little girl crouched to lower her profile. Slipping from tree to tree and boulder to boulder, the courageously curious youngster crept toward shrieks and cries in the distance. As she made her way along the knoll toward its center, she could see an orange glow that flickered in the distance. The glow competed with the light of the moon and intensified the shadows of the furry branches that danced in the gusts.
The pungent smoke of burning green boughs brought tears to her eyes. She sneaked along and soon spied a fumy bonfire. Shadowy figures moved about the smoke and flames.
When she had made her way as close as courage allowed, she peered from behind a boulder. She spied a score of shrieking figures dancing around the fire. She first thought all had heads bowed, as though in prayer, as they danced about the flames. Soon she realized that she saw no heads, not because they were bowed and thus hidden from sight but because none of the furiously dancing figures had heads.
Wonder turned to horror. If the dancers had no heads, from where came the ear-piercing shrieks? Only then did she realize that the screaming dancers actually had heads. Each carried one.
Each dancer cradled within its arms a perfectly animated head that howled and shrieked. The eyes of each opened and closed, staring at the fire then looking toward the heavens as its wide-open mouth howled. Long dark hair cascaded from each head. The face of each was contorted and wrinkled.
Just as the little girlâs grandmother had warned, the dancers once were Indians. Indeed, the spirits wore Indian garb and danced in a ring around the fire seemingly unaware that anyone spied nearby.
The hellish spirits bobbed diabolically. Though the eavesdropping little girl sensed evil, the spirits seemed to be hopping and whooping in a joyous celebration. Occasionally, each lifted a leg in unison with all others. The heads chanted in cadence. Other times the figures tightened the circle toward the fire, dancing in unison, then backed away in unison, expanding their circle.
Once, after the circle expanded, the shrieks ended abruptly. Howling winds halted. An eerie silence settled. The girl froze. She held her breath, fearing she might have been discovered.
The silence seemed eternal. The girl prepared to flee. Had she been seen? Had the terrible demons sensed her presence?
Each spirit then tossed its head toward the fireânot in the fire but near it. The heads rolled forward and stopped. Silence reigned momentarily. Each head then began to shriek in cadence again. With that, the winds gusted and the headless spirits linked arms and danced again both about the fire and the shrieking heads lying near the flames.
After dancing for what seemed an eternity to the girl, the headless dancers stopped. Again, the shrieks of the heads lying near the fire ended abruptly. The howling winds stopped. Another eerie silence washed over the knoll as each headless figure stood motionless and each head lay quietly by the fire.
The little girl feared what next might happen. She had a horrifying, uneasy feeling. She wished she had listened to her grandmother and never crept onto the cedar knoll.
As her regrets welled, every head lying on the ground came awake and shrieked a blood-curdling, piercing scream as though in monstrous pain. The unholy sounds reverberated throughout the knoll and across the little town of Pelham. Screams seemed to shake the headless Indian spirits back into motion. Each rushed forward and grabbed whatever head was nearest, whether its own or not, and cradled it, again, in careful arms. Once all held heads, the dancing and shrieking began anew.
âThe stories are true,â thought the little girl. But she had seen enough. How would she escape without being seen? What if she were discovered? Should she run or creep away?
As the shrieks continued, she glanced over a shoulder to choose an avenue of escape. As she did, the shrieks ended abruptly. All became dark and quiet. She glanced back toward the headless apparitions.
All were gone. The bonfire was gone. Neither smoke nor embers remained. The area was bare. The howling winds had ended. Tree branches no longer swayed. Moonlight once again cascaded through the treetops above, striping the ground below with the shadows of the cedar treesâ trunks and branches.
Despite the serene moonlight, the little girl turned and ran to the edge of the haunted cedar knoll. She nearly tumbled down the rocky decline as she scrambled off the knoll and onto Shore Road. She ran for her life toward home.
As she ran, her mind raced. âThe stories are true!â she gasped to herself. She thought of her grandmotherâs stories that rival tribes known as Siwanoys and Laaphawachkins1 once lived in the region harmoniously until one of the Siwanoys murdered a member of the rival tribe. A blood feud followed and led to a deadly battle between the rival tribes on the great cedar knoll. The Siwanoys vanquished a score of their foes, decapitating each warrior and leaving their bodies on the top of the knoll. Each time the moon was full and the winds howled, the spirits of the dead Laaphawachkins danced in preparation for revenge against the Siwanoys.
The little girl ran frantically until she tumbled safely...