Chapter 1
Communities, Authority and Power in Winchester, c. 800âc. 1200
Katherine Weikert, Ryan Lavelle and Simon Roffey
Winchester, though now a quiet and rather small city, contains hidden depths in its past as a place of settlement for over two thousand years. Its place at the heart of the interests of an early medieval ruling family who dominated Wessex and England gives it part of that lustre, but its timeline stretches long before the years on which this volume focuses.1 As the location of two Iron Age settlements, one of which morphed into the Roman city, the ancient and medieval layers provide a palimpsest of urban landscapes which remains to this day. Its size and population throughout the early and into the central Middle Ages distinctly reflect the development of an urban centre and growth of its population during the period covered by this volume, at the height of its power and influence. By the seventh century, as a central place within the West Saxon kingdom, the city contained its own bishop and bishopric, established in the building known as the Old Minster, which began the start of centuries of Wintonian episcopal power matching that of its royal and political significance. The period of the tenth and eleventh centuries, bridging into the twelfth, saw Winchester shift from the focus of the West Saxon royal family to the then-nascent English kingdom, propelling the city, its culture, community and peoples into a central city in the affairs of the kingdom.
With this centrality, and the centuries of evidence available, writing medieval Winchester as a city of power and community can, and does, take many angles. There is sometimes-sporadic written evidence such as chronicles, particularly the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, which originated as an Alfredian, Wessex-centric view of the past.2 The rich monastic traditions of hagiography, especially with Winchesterâs internationally-revered St Swithun, give great insight into the thriving medieval religious, civic and intellectual city.3 Charters from the period tell of the network of royal, ecclesiastical and aristocratic interests associated with the city, with the records of estates held in the cityâs hinterland and sometimes within the urban space itself revealing competing interests and rivalries, particularly between the Old and New Minsters.4 There were also other records: Domesday Book was kept in the royal castle in the form of the Exchequer manuscript, sometimes known as âGreat Domesdayâ; as Sally Harvey has noted, its contemporary title as the âBook of Winchesterâ is intrinsically linked with the governmental functions of the city in the eleventh century and in that manner the creation and very survival of such a valuable âBook of the Treasuryâ (another medieval name) should be seen as evidence of Winchesterâs early medieval importance.5
The Hampshire folios of Domesday Book do not provide a separate record of the city itself as a shire town in the manner of many other eleventh-century English towns, including neighbouring Southampton.6 The Domesday record does provide us with indications of the wealth of city institutions in its entries of landholdings of the bishopric and the New Minster, as well as the Nunnaminster, known by the later eleventh century as St Maryâs Abbey.7 Domesday entries also reveal the many royal and aristocratic estates with attached properties in the city, perhaps functioning as pieds-Ă -terre, the estatesâ owners retaining a stake in the urban economy and urban politics.8 However, the city has its own surveys in the manuscript known as Winton Domesday. The Winton Domesday manuscript, written at the orders of Bishop Henry of Blois in the middle of the twelfth century, records one earlier survey and one from Henryâs own time. The first of these surveys records information from the reigns of Henry I and, like Great Domesday, of Edward the Confessor, regarding royal properties, mainly on the High Street; the second is concerned with a greater number of properties in the mid-twelfth century city and provides evidence on details of the lives and the wealth of the inhabitants of areas of the city.9
Perhaps even more importantly, the material remains of medieval Winchester play the dual role of not only interpreting the city, but in the development of archaeological techniques and methodologies themselves. Major excavations in the 1960s and early 1970s investigated nearly 12,000 square metres of urban settlement within the walls, making Winchester not only one of the most extensively excavated medieval towns in England, but also a training ground for an entire generation of British archaeologists.10 Many of the finds from these extensive excavations were diagnostically âAnglo-Saxon,â roughly 700â1100, pointing to the impact this period had on the development of the city â including the secular and sacred politics and communities which the city hosted. Winchester, for all its small-town feel in the present, was a hub of not only local and regional power and networks, but one that extended throughout the West Saxon and English kingdoms and indeed western Europe, home of many communities and a part of important transnational exchanges of ideas and culture.
There is, as Martin Biddleâs contribution to this volume makes clear, a significant element of antiquity to the city as a place already settled before the Middle Ages, and the topography of the earlier history affected the medieval city. The Iron Age enclosures on the edges of the city at St Catherineâs Hill (an impressive double-ringed hill fort) to its south-east and at Oramâs Arbour to its north-west gave first shape to the growing city (see Fig. 1.1 and Chapter 2, Fig. 2.1). Aspects of Oramâs Arbour were retained by the first-century Roman establishment of a walled city with the status of civitas, a planned and organised local government centre. For example, a road and site roughly along modern Jewry Street, at the bottom of Oramâs Arbour, were settled before Roman occupation, and were folded into the Roman town as both a major street and the main road north out of the walled city.11 Roman Winchester, Venta Belgarum, named after the Iron Age Belgae, became one of the larger towns in Britannia.12 Even if very little of the Roman wall is actually visible in situ today, the shape of Roman Winchester can still be roughly seen in the modern city topography â Eastgate, Southgate and North Walls streets marking each boundary.13 After the withdrawal of Roman imperial control in the fifth century, the archaeological evidence of Winchester suggests that while there was minimal continuous urban occupation, particularly when compared with the continuity of Roman cities in continental Europe, the city continued to have a significance as a regional centre.14 The Roman walls ultimately provided an area for a comparatively large medieval city (58.2 ha).15
With the growth and intensification of royal power in Britain in the seventh century, especially with newly established monastic and episcopal networks emerging through connections to continental Europe and particularly Gaul,16 interest grew in the symbolic power of direct connection with Rome and the Romanised world. Winchester, with its Roman ruins and spolia, would provide a locus of political and ecclesiastical power for the fledgling kingdom with its powerful bishop and probably a royal palace.17 By the mid-seventh century, Winchester had its first cathedral at the Old Minster and its first bishop, Wine â albeit a figure whose incumbency was short-lived and who fell out with the then-king, according to Bede.18 This episcopal seat had been transferred to Winchester from the earlier foundation at Dorchester-on-Thames as the West Saxon dynastyâs interests shifted from the Thames Valley in the face of Mercian pressure (and probably also related to the West Saxonsâ interests in territory to the south of Winchester); the body of the West Saxonsâ first bishop, Birinus, was also transferred from Dorchester by the end of the seventh century.19 Excavations directed by Martin Biddle have revealed that the Old Minsterâs active community encouraged an almost continuous programme of building, rebuilding and expansion through to the tenth century (see Biddleâs contribution to this volume, Chapter 2). To this establishment were added the royal foundations of Nunnaminster, by King Alfredâs widow Ealhswith (d. 902), probably after Alfredâs death in 899, on the site of her own estate in Winchester, and New Minster, by Alfredâs son Edward.20 The connection between royal and ecclesiastical rule, almost always important in the Middle Ages, reached new heights via the connection between the house of Wessex, the kings of England and the bishops of Winchester.
Winchesterâs regional significance in the (eventually dominant) West Saxon kingdom provided a major link in its importance in the central Middle Ages. The intersecting factors of a significant and diverse urban population, a major palace complex, an important episcopal centre and a Roman past combined to their fullest fruition as an expression of power. This is somewhat removed from the popular portrait of a sub-Roman palatial complex in the Last Kingdom books of Bernard Cornwell, recently adapted for television, which might give an impression of a permanent royal sanctuary in the city. Winchesterâs âcapitalâ authority was a mixture of the influence of ecclesiastical communities coupled with economic wealth for a peripatetic royal governance over a diverse population with (then as now...