Part 1
HISTORICAL RECONSTRUCTION
2
IN SEARCH OF THE ORIGINS OF THE PHARISEES
Vasile Babota
No history of the Pharisees was written in antiquity. Nor have we any document written by a Pharisee, other than the letters of Paul. Contemporary literature offers only fragmentary records about them, but even there they are not the protagonists. Major sources that clearly speak about the Pharisees are Flavius Josephusâs works, the New Testament, and rabbinic literature.
Although the rabbis did incorporate older traditions, their texts are not histories. These texts also postdate the works of Flavius Josephus (37/38âca. 100 CE) and the New Testament, sometimes by several centuries. Besides, these traditions, as most sources, are often tendentious. Already Ellis Rivkin argued that the connection between the Hebrew perushim of rabbinic texts and the Greek ΊαÏÎčÏαáżÎżÎč (pharisaioi) of Josephus and the New Testament is itself complex. Jacob Neusner, whose works redirected the search for Pharisaic origins, criticized earlier and contemporary scholars for using rabbinic literature as if âeverything was ⊠historically factual.â About his own 1971 three-volume work on the subject, Neusner wrote: âMy Rabbinic Traditions ⊠was to render obsolete nearly all historical scholarship on the Pharisees of the preceding two hundred years.â Neusner claimed to have identified some fifty Pharisees by name, mostly from the first century CE. By contrast, a closer scrutiny of all ancient sources permitted Joseph Sievers to identify a âmere dozen individual Pharisees,â some of whom are questionable. Therefore, rabbinic texts need to be used cautiously when writing a history, especially for the Hasmonean period.
The New Testament mentions the Pharisee(s) close to one hundred times (mostly in the gospels and Acts), but this corpus reflects a mid- to late first-century-CE context. Josephus refers to Pharisee(s) some forty-five times (except in Against Apion); roughly half of these references pertain to the BCE period. In Jewish War 1.110 (before 79 CE) he introduces the Pharisees in the context of Hasmonean succession to power following the rule of Alexander Jannaeus (103â76 BCE). By contrast, Ant. 13.171â173 (before 93/94 CE), introduces them as one of the three αጱÏáœłÏΔÎčÏ (i.e., âparties,â âschools of thoughtâ) together with the Sadducees and Essenes. The implied context is the rule of the first Hasmonean high priest, Jonathan (152â143 BCE). However, only in Ant. 13.288â298 do the Pharisees appear on the stage in relation to Jonathanâs nephew, John Hyrcanus I (134â104 BCE). Any assessment of these references must reckon with the fact that Josephus claimed Hasmonean descent, had a high regard for Hyrcanus I (J.W. 1.68 // Ant. 13.299), and boasted to have practiced (for some time) the Pharisaic way of life (Life 1â12). So a certain bias in his works is to be expected.
Following other scholars, Daniel R. Schwartz reiterated that for the BCE period the âpro-Pharisaicâ Josephus made use of the works of Nicolaus of Damascus (born ca. 64 BCE), the court historian of King Herod the Great (40â4 BCE). Schwartz claims that some passages in Antiquities have been preserved more intact than in War because they reflect Nicolausâs more negative view of the Pharisees (e.g., Ant. 13.288, 298, 401â402; 17.41â42). Questioning the extent to which Josephusâs sources can be established, their transmission and reliability, and Josephusâs own historical method, Steve Mason concluded that âJosephus was not, and never claimed to be a Pharisee,â that he displayed a âmarked and consistent antipathyâ toward the Pharisees, and that the accounts of the Phariseesâin which they are âmarginallyâ representedâwere âat least shaped by Josephus.â Anthony J. Saldarini adopted a compromise position: âJosephusâ attitude toward the Pharisees is fundamentally consistent whether he is using Nicolaus or not.â When compared, neither Antiquities nor War is more (or less) pro-Pharisaic than the other. Whether Josephus is pro- or anti-Pharisaic does not depend on his sourcesâNicolaus or othersâbut on how he interprets them to fit his political agenda.
Because of the criticisms of Neusner and Stemberger on the use of rabbinic texts, and in particular those of Mason on the use of Josephusâs works, interest has shifted to how Josephus and other sources portray the Pharisees and away from the question of their origins. My present aim is not to write a history of the origins of the Pharisees but to illuminate some methodological problems, address some questions, and in particular, show how 1 Maccabees can contribute to this discussion.
THE ORIGINS OF THE PHARISEES AND THE QUESTION OF THE HASIDIM
Antiquities 13.171â173 is perhaps the most cited passage in discussions about the origins of the Pharisees. Since Josephus introduces them in a narrative that deals with Jonathan, many scholars have held that the Pharisees emerged around 150 BCE. However, the introductory temporal formula ÎαÏᜰ ÎŽáœČ Ï᜞Μ ÏÏáœčÎœÎżÎœ ÏοῊÏÎżÎœ ⊠ጊÏαΜ (âand about that time ⊠there wereâ) is vague. Besides, Josephus has nothing to say about any of these αጱÏáœłÏΔÎčÏ down to Hyrcanus I. It seems that Josephus himself was not sure when or how the Pharisees appeared.
Other scholars have interpreted Ant. 13.171â173 to mean that the Pharisees predated Jonathan. Since the term âPharisee(s)â is lacking in any pre-rabbinic account connected to the period before 150 BCE, some scholars have advanced the hypothesis that the Pharisees descended from the Hasidim (ÊżÎÏÎčΎαáżÎżÎč, 1 Macc 2:42; 7:13; 2 Macc 14:6). Joseph Cohen argued that the Essenes also descended from the Hasidim. Almost forty years later, Ferd Prat concluded that, while the origin of the Essenes from the Hasidim is questionable, that of the Pharisees âsemble Ă©tablie.â More than fifty years later, Amand Michel and Jean Le Moyne defined the affiliation of the Pharisees with the Hasidim as âfort plausible.â Even though these authors admit that the origins of the Pharisees remain âtrĂšs obscures,â like Prat, both Michel and Le Moyne place the emergence of the Pharisees under Hyrcanus I. They connect the Pharisees with the development of scribal classes, who were, in their view, deeply involved in the interpretation of the Torah and the evolution of oral tradition.
The suggestion that the Pharisees descended from the Hasidim led some scholars to look for their origins much earlier than the second century BCE. Initially, Louis Finkelstein too claimed that the âOrder/Society of Phariseesâ descended from the Hasidim whose origins could be traced back to Ezra. By the time of Hyrcanus I, the Pharisees became a âpolitical party ⊠prepared to take arms in defense of its rights.â Subsequently, Finkelstein argued that the identification of the Pharisees with the Hasidim âseems ⊠unfoundedâ and that the two were âdifferent groups.â According to his revised theory, the Pharisees flourished at the time of Ezra and Nehemiah. In the end, Finkelstein implied that it was the Hasidim who were one of the âfactionsâ of the Pharisees.
John Kampenâs study has had a significant impact on the attempt to find connections between the Hasidim and the Pharisees. Kampen, who has shown that the meaning of Asidaioi is difficult to assess, hypothesized that the Hasidim were active in the third and second century BCE as temple scribes (cf. 1 Macc 7:12) and that the Pharisees therefore derived from Hasidean scribal circles.
All we can learn about the Hasidim is contained in several verses dated to roughly 100 BCE. Josephus does not mention them in his paraphrase of 1 Maccabees. The fact that 1 Macc 7:12â13 associates them with scribes cannot mean they represented all Judean scribes, or even all temple scribes. Perhaps the crucial question is why the Pharisees would have separated from this scribal movement. While a connection between Pharisees and the Hasidim should not be ruled out, it requires more solid argumentation.
THE ORIGINS OF THE PHARISEES AND THE QUESTION OF THE SADDUCEES
A second methodological problem related to Ant. 13.171â173 concerns its introduction of the Pharisees together with the Sadducees and the Essenes. That connection prompted many scholars to search for the origins of the Pharisees in tandem with that of the Sadducees. Josephus does not, however, claim these αጱÏáœłÏΔÎčÏ originated at the same time. In Ant. 18.11, where he lists the Pharisees after the Essenes and the Sadducees, Josephus states that these existed âfrom very ancient times.â Earlier, in J.W. 2.161, he characterized the Pharisees as âthe firstâ of the three αጱÏáœłÏΔÎčÏ. Josephus does not specify whether he meant the Pharisees emerged as âthe firstâ or that they were more influential than the other two αጱÏáœłÏΔÎčÏ.
Using the Sadducees as a mirror against which to understand the origins of the Pharisees has led many scholars to another methodological flaw: to assume the antiquity not only of the Sadducees but also of the Pharisees. This is because many scholars have taken for granted that the Sadducees are to be identified with the Zadokites/sons of Zadok (bene tsadoq) of Ezek 40â48 who reportedly ran the temple affairs down to the second century BCE. This premise led scholars to search for the origins of the Pharisees even in the fifth century BCE.
Alice Hunt has shown that there is no compelling evidence to justify the assumption that the sons of Zadok existed as an established priesthood in control of the temple after the exile. Many redaction-critical studies concluded that the Zadokite passages in Ezek 40â48 are late additions. The sons of Zadok appear also in Ezek 42:13 LXX, and elsewhere in Ben Sira (MS B) 51:12aâo and in seven of the Dead Sea Scrolls (DSS), dated mostly to the early first century BCE. Additionally, the sons of Zadok have an ideological function in Ezekiel, whereas in the DSS they may even include nonpriests (e.g., CD-A III, 20âIV, 4; 4QDa 5 I, 16).
According to the Torah, which was likely the only authoritative Scripture for the Sadducees, the sons of Aaron are the only legitimate priests to serve at the temple. How would the Sadduceesâwho, unlike the Pharisees and the Essenes, reportedly did not believe in the resurrection (cf. J.W. 2.165; Ant. 18.12â19; Mark 12:18 par.)âhave interpreted such texts as Ezekiel 37?
The attempt to associate the Sadducees with the Zadokites/sons of Zadok of Ezek 40â48 is undermined by the latter groupâs identity. Therefore, connecting the search for the origins of the Pharisees to the history of the Sadducees is methodologically tenuous.
THE ORIGINS OF THE PHARISEES AND FLAVIUS JOSEPHUSâS WORKS
In J.W. 1.110 the Pharisees first appear in relation to the Hasmonean succession story anchored in 76 BCE. Josephus only writes that they joined Alexandra (Salome?), the widowed wife of king and high priest Jannaeus, to assist her in governing as queen. Josephus has more to say in his later parallel version. According to Ant. 13.400â404 (cf. 13.414), Jannaeus, on his deathbed, reportedly urged his wife to entrust significant power to the Pharisees and so try to appease them in the hope they would forgive his violence against them. The queen succeeds in obtaining the Phariseesâ support and installs her elder son Hyrcanus (II) as high priest (13.405â408). The Pharisees, in turn, insist that the queen take revenge against those who had persuaded Alexander to kill âeight hundred menâ (13.408â410; cf. 13.380). Josephus explains that the Pharisees themselves participated in some of these executions and adds an important link: the Pharisees also ask the queen to restore their statutes (ÎœáœčÎŒÎčΌα), which her father-in-law had abrogated (cf. 13.296; see also b. Sotah 22b).
This inform...