From âturning to spaceâ to thinking spatially
Over the course of the past three decades, space and spatial research furthering spatial thinking have become increasingly popular both within andâthough in a more nuanced mannerâbeyond academic circles. By and large, it has been a gradual process of recognition that, âas many people have been saying, âSpace is hotââ (Bertsch and Sterne 1994; cited in Crang and Thrift 2000a, xi). Such weasel words eventually led to what came to be known as the âspatial turn,â which, rather than emerging in the shape and form of âintellectual magnificence,â put space at the core of critical analysis to shed light on economic, social, political, and cultural transformations to which the world is continuously subjected. Prior to the spatial turn, academic discourse typically affirmed space as an a priori external to human thinking and conceptualized space as a Kantian-absolute analytical category. As a result, jigsaw-like Euclidean conceptions of space emerged, underpinned by an understanding of space as a form of âouter sense,â whereby objects are represented as existing outside of usâthat is to say, âin space.â Such static understandings of space were eventually rendered insufficient by the accelerating dynamics of spatial transformations such as globalization, progressively giving way to alternative approaches asserting that spatiality cannot be comprehended separately from its production. Moreover, humans do not just perceive and act within space as an immutable frame of reference; rather, by inhabiting, living, and all the while changing space, they render it relational (Lefebvre 1991; Massey 2005). In other words, far-reaching takes on contemporary phenomena must appeal to both social and spatial circumstances in order to move beyond the truism that âeverything happens somewhere,â for it is, in effect, the where what allows the how to be fathomedâthe inextricable fusion of context and causality (Warf and Arias 2009; Baur 2018, 329â356).
Furthermore, several disciplinesâabove all, geographyâwere stripped of their epiphenomenal status. Concurrently, initiated by the pioneering works of Anthony Giddens (1979, 1981) and Michel Foucault (1980), efforts to interlace, for instance, a (concrete and descriptive) âgeographicalâ with an (abstract and explanatory) âsociologicalâ imagination started to flourish (Agnew and Duncan 1989, 1). Accordingly, a shift from âa sense of space as a practico-inert container of action towards space as a socially produced set of manifoldsâ took place, indicating not only that space cannot be envisaged âoutside the realm of social practiceâ but also that âthe ecology of thought is no longer seen as somehow standing outside of the spatialâ (Crang and Thrift 2000b, 2).
From the mid-1980s onwards, space has been reasserted and emplaced within a multifarious, inter-, and transdisciplinary purview covering (and thereby making relevant) aspects such as everyday life, identity, and human subjectivity, which are integral to a coherent analysis of social life and lived experience. There have been insightful attempts to integrate the diverse strands of existing academic work. Diverse disciplinesâsuch as geography, architecture, urban planning, philosophy, sociology, political sciences, anthropology, historical sciences, communication sciences, and many moreâhave either constantly been or are increasingly dealing with issues of spatiality and, in this context, have discussed space in their own particular mannerâwhether metonymically (âspaces of languageâ), introspectively (âspaces of the selfâ), socio-politically (âspaces of agitationâ), culturally (âspaces of modernityâ), or aesthetically (âartistic and architectural spacesâ).
Nevertheless, these preceding efforts to systematize spatial concepts have ended up indexing and, in consequence, replicating disciplinary boundaries. Furthermore, while the interest in space, spatiality, and spatial research has been steadily growing and spawning across fields of thought, there have rarely been any attempts either to identify convergences and intersections amid the variety of spatial conceptualizations or to synthetize modes of spatial thinking. Showing how fruitful intersecting and synthetizing would be is precisely the purpose of this book. More specifically, Martina Löwâs (2016) conceptualization of relational space offers a conducive approach that illustrates how assorted understandings of space and/or forms of spatial inquiry could be astutely brought together. According to Löw (2016), space may be envisaged as relational arrangements in which actors, objects, and technologies are both placing and being placed. These arrangements, moreover, are based on two analytically distinct social processes: spacingâin other words, specific practices of placingâand synthesizing.
Building on similar theoretical considerations as well as empirical outcomes stemming from a variety of disciplines engaged with spatial research and thinking, the aim of this book is twofold: opening spatial analysis and broadening the understanding of ongoing social processes as a whole. In addition, a long-term goal, whereof this book serves as an initial stepping stone, is to develop an empirically grounded theory of society that can best be defined as a âspatio-communicative figuration.â In this regard, moving from âturning to spaceâ to âthinking spatiallyâ plays a fundamental role in theory production, ânot only in the ways that theory might apply to a spatially distributed world, but in the spatialities that allow thought to develop particular effectivities and intensitiesâ (Crang and Thrift 2000b, 3). By concentrating on space as both the object and means of analysis and discussion, the book focuses on a key principle of the social order: exploring, first, various social transformations regarding their spatial dimensions and links; and, subsequently, restructured subjective actions, spatial knowledge, and spatial experience. On that account, spatial transformations are conceived not as abstract, unfathomable processes, but rather as processes of communicative actions and social practices embedded in peopleâs everyday lives. What people experience, want, believe, know, do, and how they interact in turn engenders new institutions and novel forms of localization, interconnectedness, and spatially shaped (self-)experience.
In order to clearly present how the refiguration of spaces operates as an analytical angle, the structure of this book systematically follows a set of subthemes and questions. The assemblage of chapters in this book reveals, by and large, not only that space does not constitute a neutral entity existing a priori as regards its conception, but also how it is possible to delve into spatial transformations pointedly and discern or even contend their inherent intricacies.
Spatiality and temporality
It has long been known that space and time are intrinsically intertwined and neither concept can be thought of and written about without reflecting on the other. For example, spatial constructions change over time; humans interact in space and in certain times; it also takes time to move in and through space; and so on. Therefore, the assorted contributions in this book purposefully focus on both âthe spatialâ in general and spatial transformations specifically.
In order to discuss the specific entanglement of spatiality and temporality, it is necessary to reflect upon temporality first. As process theory has shown, two key conceptsâduration and temporal patternâare central when thinking about time (Baur 2005; Norkus and Baur 2020). âDurationâ (durĂ©e; Braudel 1958) or âtime layerâ (Zeitschicht; Koselleck 2018) indicates that social processes differ in the amount of time they need to unfold: Whereas some phenomena must be examined over a long period, others need a more precisely delineated length of time. Heuristically, three types of duration can be distinguished (Baur 2005; Norkus and Baur 2020):
- Short-term social processes unfold in moments, hours, or days
- Medium-term processes (âtime of generationsâ) cover the memory of the living and usually cover years or decades
- Long-term processes (longue durée) go beyond the memory of the living and cover centuries or millennia
In addition to a processâs duration, its pattern over time is also important. To this effect, three basic temporal patterns of social change can be identified from a heuristic standpoint (Baur 2005; Norkus and Baur 2020):
- Trajectories are social processes that are patterned in a systematic way or develop path-dependently
- Turning points occur between different phases of a process or after abrupt changes such as innovations or crises
- Cycles describe social processes that are characterized by repetition
Against this backdrop, authors in the first section discuss how spatiality and temporality are entwined as well as what spatial transformations arise therefrom.
Besides the abovementioned, more abstract considerations about space and time, a more specific question is what type of spatial transformations can be empirically observed over the course of history. Empirical evidence suggests that social change and spatial transformations are interlinked. For example, Norbert Elias ([1939] 1997) has shown that in Europe, ever since the middle ages, civilizing and nation-building processes have been mutually stabilizing, driving each other along established trajectories with typical trends and countertrends. Accordingly, Elias (1986) coined the concept of âfigurationâ to express that different scalesânamely the micro level (Elias [1969] 2002) and the macro level (Elias [1939] 1997)âare intertwined, co-develop, and, within this process, (re-)produce social inequality by including (âinsidersâ) and excluding (âoutsidersâ) people (Elias and Scotson [1965] 2002). Following this line of thought, in this book, Martina Löw and Hubert Knoblauch kick off the debate on spatiality and temporality by arguing that the second half of the twentieth century marked a turning point, contending that the specific pattern whereby social and spatial transformations are interwoven has fundamentally changed. Within this ârefiguration of spacesâ (Knoblauch and Löw 2017; 2020; in this volume), three processes unfold in parallel:
- The relations of spaces as social contexts of different activities, forms of communication, and societal functions are turning into a polycontexturalization of space. This means that, at both a particular and structural level, different arrangements of space are simultaneously put into effect. Individual and collective actors are thus faced with the challenge of having to cope with different spatial logics at the same time; a condition that adds to, as Fredric Jameson (1991, 44) sharply asserts, âthe incapacity of our minds ⊠to map the great global multinational and decentered communicational network in which we find ourselves caught as individual subjects.â
- Space is increasingly constituted in mediated forms spurred by hastily deepening advances in digital technologies of communication. Consequently, a mediatizationâin the form of proactive and reflexive communicative acts unfolding on different scales and at different levelsâarises and results in a simultaneity of digital and face-to-face interactions.
- Humans, objects, and technologies are circulating more frequently, resulting in a translocalization and globalization of the economy, politics, culture, and everyday as well as urban planning/design practices. Hence, individual and collective actors and spaces, at variegated (geographically distant) locations, become progressively interconnected, coupled, and more interdependent alongside a prominent gain in the relevance of individual locations.
These processes in turn alter societiesâand thereby typical patterns of social interactionsâand, given that social and spatial changes are consubstantial, prompt spatial modifications (i.e. refigurations of spaces).
Therefore, Knoblauch and Löwâs (2017; 2020; in this volume) concept of âthe refiguration of spacesâ emphasizes the overarching theoretical assumption of this book, namely that social transformations become particularly clear by looking at the restructuring of spaces and combining the knowledge, purviews, and research outcomes of diverse spatial disciplines. By concentrating on the effects of mediatization, mobility, and social dislocation in spatial transformations, contributions by other authors also aim at deconstructing the notion of refiguration of spacesâas a specific interpretative vehicle to explore spatial transformationsâfrom different theoretical and empirical angles.
A first general criticism concerning ...