Social movement theory holds that social movements create competing discourses within a society (Brush, 1999). However, both the Black and feminist movements of the 70s failed to provide a counter dialog articulating the gender oppression of Black women. Neither movement provided discourse that legitimized Black womenâs experience of gender oppression or the language to articulate it (Brush, 1999). The inattention of feminism to racism and the inattention of the Black Movement to sexism resulted in a subordination of Black womenâs concerns during this time (Crenshaw, 1991; Davis, 1983). Discourse during the Black civil rights movement of the 60s and 70s focused on racism and Black liberation, not on gender oppression. Discussions of sexism, particularly those involving misogyny in the Black community, were discouraged and suppressed (Wallace, 1980). In contrast, the #BlackLivesMatter movement started over 50years later with a stated intention to affirm the experiences of Black individuals marginalized in the earlier Black liberation movement (Garza, n.d., âBroadening the Conversation,â para. 1). Although certain themes persist, this intersectional approach has in some ways changed the discourse. Discourse in the Black Lives Matter movement has also been affected by the digital age. Online interactions have altered communications and served to broaden and publicize numerous types of discourse and issues affecting the movement. As we examine discourse in the #BlackLivesMatter movement, we will turn to social media to capture the contemporary voices of the Black community and Black women.
The Civil Rights Movement of the 60s and 70s
The Black civil rights movement of the 60s and 70s was a defining time in the development of a Black consciousness and identity. It provided a competing discourse about Blacks in this society, about their African heritage and ancestry, their history of oppression, and the structures and beliefs within this society that support that oppression. Discourse about Black history, pride, and solidarity became the source of a new collective identity and provided language, symbols, and ideas used to articulate, celebrate, and protest the Black experience (Brush, 1999). However, in some ways, the dialog about Black women perpetuated and legitimized the gender oppression of Black women (Staples, 1979; Wallace, 1980). This discourse centered on the three domains of concern we identified earlier: the role and position of Black women; Black male-female relationships; and the role of feminism in the movement. We briefly recap this discourse as a basis for comparison when we examine similar topics and discourse in the current #BlackLivesMatter movement.
The Role and Position of Black Women in the Movement
Discourse on the role and position of Black women in the 60s and 70s centered on Black women taking a backseat. Black women were behind-the-scene leaders, yet Black men took the lead in articulating the needs of the Black community (Brush, 1999, p. 124). The role of the Black woman was marginalized and overshadowed in favor of the Black male experience (Cazenave, 1983; Chisholm, 1972), and Black women were actively encouraged to step back and take a backseat to Black men in the publicâs eye and in leadership. This rhetoric was fueled by the myths of the Black matriarchy (Moynihan, 1965) and the powerful privileged Black woman (Wallace, 1980). The myth of the powerful, privileged Black woman characterized Black women as inordinately tough, domineering, bitchy, and lacking the fears and weaknesses of other women (Wallace, 1980).
This characterization was compounded by the myth of the Black matriarchy which emerged during the 60s and instigated by a government report by a White social scientist (Moynihan, 1965), which called attention to a so-called crisis in the Black family and community and blamed the position of Black women as heads of household. These myths, coupled with earlier images that portrayed Black women as loud, overbearing, and emasculating, were used to justify the need for Black women to take a back seat to correct the damaged image of Black men and to heal strained Black male-female relationships (Cazenave, 1983; Wallace, 1980). Although these myths were partially debunked (Rodgers-Rose, 1980; Wallace, 1980), they were paradoxically enacted in the politics of the day with pronouncements that it was time for Black women to step back and let Black men take the lead (Chisholm, 1972).
Black Male-Female Relationships
A great deal of dialog centered on Black male-female relationships, much of it uncomplimentary. The Black woman was viewed as being complicit in compromising the manhood of Black men (Wallace, 1980). During the civil rights movement, the restoration of Black menâs image and authority was a goal Black women were expected to support. Black women accepted this premise and, for the most part, kept silent and lent their support. There were allegations that Black women had participated in the âsocialâ castration of Black men and in keeping the Black man down (Cazenave, 1983). Black women were blamed for alleged negative relationships between Black women and men. And, while this time period rang with the slogan âBlack is beautifulâ and the appellation Black African Queen was liberally applied to Black women in the Black community, differential standards in beauty, both within and external to the Black community, and persistent issues of colorism belied these proclamations.
The Role of Feminism in the Movement
During the civil rights movement, talk about feminism and misogyny was suppressed. Many Black women at the time took the position that the âWomenâs movement was a White womanâs thing and the role to which White women were assigned was of no concern to Black womenâ (Chisholm, 1972, p. 125), or the point of view also prevalent at the time that womenâs liberation wasnât for Black women because Black men needed Black women supporting them in the fight for liberation of the race (Brush, 1999). Emphasis was placed on Black men and women presenting a united front. Discourse about racism trumped discourse about gender oppression, liberation first critics exclaimed (Chisholm, 1972).
Gender, Race, Oppression and Intersectional Theory
The civil rights movements of the 60s and 70s focused on Blacks as a group and the oppression of Black people because they were Black rather than for any other reason. Well-known discourses at the time pointed to White societyâs lack of distinction in class, gender, or education when it came to discrimination against Blacks. The conversation went that it did not matter whether or not you had a Ph.D., you were still just another Black person, although Black was not the word used, and subject to oppression for that reason. âIt was...