Part 1
Introducing Critical Social Psychology
1
Critical Social Psychology:
An Introduction
This introductory chapter will highlight:
⢠Diversity within (social) psychology
⢠Key influences on the development of critical social psychology, including key texts and articles
⢠Important themes within critical social psychology
⢠Methods favoured by critical social psychologists
Introduction
Just as the discipline of psychology can be broken down into many different sub-disciplines (developmental, clinical, educational, etc.) and perspectives (cognitive, psychodynamic, humanistic, etc.), so too can social psychology be separated into different fragments. A convenient, though simplistic, way of classifying distinct strands is in terms of approaches which place the individual at the centre of analysis, i.e. psychological social psychology (PSP), and those which emphasize the social dimension to experience, i.e. sociological social psychology (SSP). For example, in studying conformity a PSP approach might focus on âpersonalityâ, perhaps devising a scale to distinguish between acquiescent and resistant âtypesâ of people. On the other hand, an SSP explanation of conformity might focus on aspects of the social situation such as âpeer pressureâ as well as wider institutional and cultural expectations such as ârespect for authorityâ. It is important, however, not to see these two âcampsâ as diametrically opposed, since psychological perspectives usually reserve a role for social factors and sociological perspectives often allow for some form of individual or local autonomy. The aim of this text is to contrast these two versions of social psychology, highlighting differences in the explanations offered for various phenomena such as self-identity, gender and prejudice, both between and within the two camps.
In contrast to other textbooks which claim to offer a neutral or âobjectiveâ presentation of the many theories and studies which make up contemporary social psychology, we explicitly argue in favour of a social psychology which stresses the social embeddedness of experience. However, in addition to following an SSP model, we also advocate a social psychology which is âcriticalâ: in other words, a social psychology which challenges social institutions, practices and power relations â including the discipline of psychology â that contribute to forms of inequality and oppression. There is already a history of such critical work in social psychology, as Griffin (1995) notes, including research which has engaged with the impact of unemployment on a community during the 1930s (cited in Jahoda et al., 1972) and research on fascist ideology (e.g. Billig, 1978), but the present day has seen a renewed interest in critical psychology. In studying racism, for example, a critical social psychologist might well highlight and interrogate prevailing ideals and claims which locate the âcausesâ of racism within the individual (thereby neglecting institutional cultures) or within the minority group in question (blaming the victims for their predicament) (see Howarth & Hook, 2005; Wetherell & Potter, 1992). So, we are promoting a social psychology which gets involved in âsocietyâ, which adopts particular positions in important debates on many different issues such as prejudice, violence, mental illness, unemployment, crime â a strange, perhaps alien, departure for students more familiar with the detached âscientificâ stance assumed by many â mainly cognitiveâexperimental and biological â social psychologists.
The purpose of this chapter is to introduce you to key concepts and debates within what is now known widely as âcritical social psychologyâ (e.g. Hepburn, 2003; IbĂĄĂąez & ĂĂąiguez, 1997; Tuffin, 2004). The term âcritical psychologyâ is also much used (e.g. Fox & Prilleltensky, 1997; 2009) and is applied beyond social psychology to other areas (e.g. health, developmental, work psychology), spawning other more specific critical offshoots such as âcritical health psychologyâ (Murray, 2004) and âcritical organizational psychologyâ (Islam & Zyphur, 2009). For this reason the term âcritical psychologiesâ is useful, denoting multiple but related critical projects located at the margins of psychology. While still relatively peripheral in the context of mainstream psychology, it is important to note that critical psychologies have blossomed over the past 25 years or so, resulting in many new courses, conferences, websites and assorted publications all around the world. For a snapshot of this global reach, consider the 2005 edition of the Annual Review of Critical Psychology, which is devoted to documenting critical psychological work in diverse geo-political regions (Dafermos & Marvakis, 2006).
However, given the relative youth of critical psychologies and, at times, an unfortunate tendency towards complex vocabulary, there is a need for introductory texts such as this to clearly present to a student audience terms and issues which are central to critical social psychologists. The immediate objective of this chapter then is to consider significant influences on the development of critical social psychology, including classic grand worldviews such as Marxism, Feminism and Psychoanalysis, as well as more recent perspectives such as Social Constructionism, Psychosocial Studies and Post-structuralism. It should be noted that each of these fields is complex and diverse; for example, not all feminists agree with each other, and there are consequently different versions of feminism, or feminisms, on offer. In addition, critical psychologists draw upon other theories which focus on particular identity categories and relations; for example, critical race studies focuses on race, postcolonialism on nationality and queer theory on sexuality. Here we will focus on key concepts which have been taken up by psychologists in order to critique mainstream (social) psychological work and to develop alternative understandings of social psychological phenomena. We will then proceed to summarize key themes within critical social psychology. Also, some discussion of methods used within critical social psychology will be presented, with relevant examples provided to give a flavour of what critical social psychologists do in research practice (see also Chapter 3, which is devoted to this topic).
CRITICAL THINKING BOX: (SOCIAL) PSYCHOLOGY
We are suggesting that psychologists should situate themselves and their work within society and develop a critical attitude towards psychological âknowledgeâ and its applications. For example, research on sexuality might highlight accounts by marginalized groups (e.g. lesbian women, gay men, bisexual and transgender people) in order to challenge psychological theories which present such groups as âdeviantâ or âabnormalâ (see Clarke & Peel, 2007; Kitzinger, 1997). Can you think of any other areas where critical social psychologists might wish to intervene in this way?
Critical social psychology: key influences
As was previously noted critical social psychology emerges from and is informed by a range of other theoretical traditions usually absent from or on the margins of âscientificâ psychology. Marxist and feminist approaches clearly offer critical analyses of social class and gender relations and tend to stress issues of power, conflict and ideology. Also, âpostmodernâ and social constructionist ideas have proved very influential, with concepts such as the social constitution of reality, discourse and subjectivity being central. We will now consider each framework in terms of its contribution to critical social psychology.
Marxism
There are many forms of Marxism and differences of interpretation between the various camps but it would not be too controversial to assert that Marxism is about the theory and practice of class struggle. Instead of the psychological focus on the individual, we have the sociological spotlight on relations between groups or social classes within a broader system of economic structures and institutions, i.e. capitalism. As any introductory sociological text will document, this relationship between classes is considered conflictual, where economic conditions are said to sustain competitive and destructive forms of everyday social interactions and relations. In the world of work, it is asserted that the worker is dehumanized and commodified by virtue of the drive for efficiency and profit â the benefits of which are returned mainly to owners and managers rather than to âordinaryâ workers (see Chapter 9 for a more in-depth discussion on Marxâs theories of production/work). As Arfken (2011) suggests in his introduction to Marxism and psychology in the Annual Review of Critical Psychology, in the wake of the current global financial crisis and vast inequalities in wealth exposed by recent scandals in the UK around bankerâs pay and bonuses, a Marxist analysis is still clearly relevant to life in the twenty-first century. Within capitalist systems there is little interest or scope for facilitating human needs for social support, creativity, stimulation and identification with work processes and products (see Parker & Spears, 1996; Fromm, 1961/2004). Consequently, there is a tension between the goals of the business, such as profit and shareholder value, and those of the workers, such as fulfilment and the freedom to control the ways in which work is organized, or in other words, a class struggle which manifests itself outside work in society in terms of largely distinct consumption patterns (e.g. a preference for sherry or beer) and leisure pursuits (e.g. a taste for classical or dance music).
This account is greatly simplified, of course, and in contemporary society it could be argued that the boundaries between classes are more difficult to detect, or have even disappeared in the midst of a modern âclasslessâ society (see Pakulski & Waters, 1996). Nonetheless, the emphasis on power differentials and conflict around class is an important one for critical social psychologists, who are interested in highlighting and challenging inequalities in any form (see Brown, 1974; Ostrove & Cole, 2003). As well as documenting class relations (âreproductionâ) Marxist approaches also assert a commitment to social change (âtransformationâ), that is, an effort to resist and overthrow prevailing systems of discrimination and alienation. Again, as Arfken (2011) notes, widespread protests against prevailing economic and political elites, crystallized in the various âOccupyâ camps from Wall Street to the City of London and beyond, recalls the Marxist emphasis on class conflict and social change. This concern and vision about an alternative, oppression-free society is shared by many critical social psychologists. Forms of Marxist theory have also concentrated on âideologyâ, loosely defined as âknowledgeâ (including psychological theories) which works to obscure exploitation and oppression (see Ingleby, 1972). The notion of aggression and competition as natural and healthy would be one example of an ideological norm which could well be used to justify the subordination of particular individuals and groups (âsurvival of the fittestâ, etc.). A Marxist or critical social psychologist might prefer to emphasize competing ideals, for example around solidarity, collaboration and equality. Finally, both Marxism and critical social psychology have in common a project of critical empirical research aimed at exploring local instances of class inequalities and struggles. For further discussion of the relationship between Marxism and psychology, see the edited volume by Arfken (2011), which is the product of the first international conference on Marxism and Psychology in 2010, and free to download at: http://www.discourseunit.com/arcp9/ARCP9.pdf. An earlier edited text by Parker and Spears (1996) is also worth a look, as is Parkerâs more recent book (see Box 1.1). Notwithstanding the importance of Marxist analyses, critical social psychology is also interested in difference and relations which arise from other social categories and identities, notably gender, as the next section, on feminism, suggests.
CRITICAL THINKING BOX: SOCIAL CLASS
A Marxist analysis highlights differences and inequalities between members of distinct social class groups. To what extent have recent economic problems exposed glaring inequalities in wealth distribution? Which groups have been hit hardest by recent debt problems and subsequent government austerity measures? Why have people been protesting across the world in large numbers, and what effect will this have? Do you think Western governments should limit the power of financial institutions and work towards a fairer society?
Box 1.1 Revolution in psychology: alienation to emancipation (Parker, 2007)
The author uses a Marxist framework to critique mainstream psychology, arguing that it promotes social behaviours and personality traits related to individualism, competitiveness, aggression, ambition, entrepreneurship and flexibility, all of which are required for the capitalist economic system to function effectively. Psychology is therefore one of a number of âideological strategies used to divide people from one another and encourage competition in the so-called âfreeâ marketâ (p. 171). People who do not meet the above set of narrow personality traits and those unwilling or unable to successfully turn themselves into commodities for sale in the marketplace (e.g. the poor, unemployed, homeless, indigenous, disabled, refugees, mentally ill etc.) are marginalized by society and pathologized by psychology. Itâs no surprise then that life for many in modern capitalist economies is alienating and psychologically distressing, despite the political rhetoric telling us that capitalism is the system that most closely corresponds to human nature. Rather than emancipating people by calling for social change and challenging capitalismâs exploitation of social interactions and relations, psychology uses its knowledge to better adapt people to its alienating conditions.
Feminism
Some scholars, notably socialist feminists, have sought to integrate Feminist and Marxist ideas to produce a critique of âpatriarchal capitalismâ, where the family is highlighted as the nucleus of female subordination and control. Nonetheless, in most classic forms of Marxism, gender is neglected or relegated to se...