Contemporary Africa

Matthew Graham

• Publisher: Bloomsbury Academic
• Year: 2018
• ISBN:
  9781350311282
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: African Politics
• Index: Politics & International Relations

This textbook offers a critical introduction to the study of Africa, drawing on scholarship from a range of academic disciplines. A comprehensive discussion of the continent's geography and history provides a backdrop to broad-ranging coverage of its social, economic, political and cultural composition as well as its future prospects. Moreover, moving beyond the all-too-common tendency to view Africa as a single, homogeneous entity, Graham provides a nuanced overview that challenges preconceptions and stereotypes. Written in a sophisticated yet accessible style, and supported by a range of pedagogical features, this book introduces undergraduate students from a range of different disciplinary backgrounds to the contemporary study of Africa.

WHAT IS AFRICA?

Africa is probably the most misunderstood region in the world. It is a continent that generates an enormous amount of interest and attention, yet is also subject to significant misrepresentation and generalisation that does little to account for its diversity or complexity. Africa is home to over 1 billion people (UN, 2017) and is the most linguistically varied place on earth with over two thousand languages spoken, but all too frequently, it is often viewed as a homogeneous, single entity. Nonetheless, in the west such a perception is commonly encountered and perpetuated. Owing to the sheer size of Africa, it can often be difficult to comprehend the vast differences, hence the resort to oversimplification. Furthermore, at first glance, certain developments that have occurred seem to have little consistency, or are simply regarded as uniquely ‘African’, such as authoritarianism, corruption, and the collapse of states. For those uninitiated in African affairs, trying to understand these trajectories can be overwhelming. In order to provide some coherence to this web of complexity, the stock response is to slip into reductive explanations that do little to explain why things have happened. The consequence is to simply look at the outcome, rather than to understand how and why they have occurred.

This book sets out to challenge and break down such simplistic perspectives, and to provide different ways of thinking about Africa. It seeks to highlight the diversity and multitude of differences that Africa offers. The continent provides a fascinating canvas from which to study a range of political, historical, economic, societal, and cultural themes. Although this book emphasises Africa’s heterogeneity throughout, it does not posit that effective and intuitive comparisons cannot be made about it. In terms of historical and political trajectories there are a series of remarkable similarities, which include the experiences of European colonial rule; experiments with divergent forms of political and economic systems (often with varying degrees of success); the challenges and inhibitors associated with poor governance and conflict; and more recently, the consolidation of democratic structures, and rapid economic growth across the continent. The outcome is a rich tapestry of case studies that will allow the reader to develop a broader knowledge of Africa, and to critically investigate a range of ideas and issues.

The central aims of this book are to challenge easy and reductive assumptions, and to provide a short and clear introduction into contemporary Africa’s social, economic, political, and cultural composition. It will offer a succinct, overarching assessment of Africa, with the primary purpose of explaining the reasons why the continent is where it is today. It will address broad themes such as modes of governance, economic systems, and culture, which will act as an introduction to the continent. This book makes the assumption of no prior knowledge when examining these topics. The overarching and broader points will be supported by a range of supplementary information in the form of specific boxed case studies, maps, graphs, and images that will add relevant detail to the narrative. This structure allows the reader to dip in and out of this book, quickly highlights some of the key points, and provides clear instruction for further enquiry. This is a relatively short book dealing with a huge subject matter, and it would be almost impossible to offer an all-encompassing assessment of such a large and complex continent. Understandably, not everything can be addressed or discussed, and carefully selected, pertinent examples that span the continent have been chosen in order to provide the most comprehensive picture. The choice of examples and subject matter in order to achieve this goal has naturally meant that the book has had to be selective. However, the purpose is to develop a broad yet detailed foundational introduction to the continent, rather than becoming embroiled in the finite detail, multiple examples, and the intricacies of the academic debates. The book will offer critical and thought-provoking assessments throughout, as well as the author’s own opinions and judgements. This is not the final word on Africa, merely a starting point.

Before progressing on to the substantive topics of this book, which are outlined at the end of the chapter, the rest of this introduction will examine two important debates. The first section discusses in detail what actually constitutes Africa, traversing some of the ideas about the composition of the continent. This is a crucial starting point, as it provides a clear impression of what is meant by ‘Africa’ in this book, while highlighting the contested nature of the term. The second section will focus on the notion of the ‘grand narrative’ in the context of Africa. This section will seek to explain why labels such as ‘Afro-pessimism’ and ‘Africa Rising’ are so unhelpful and demonstrate why they do little to establish a more rounded understanding of Africa.

What is Africa?

This may seem like an unusual question to begin a book devoted to this continent, and one which at first glance has a fairly straightforward answer. Yet, depending on context, historical time frame, and personal perspective, the picture that emerges is far more complex than it might appear. In truth, there is no consensus to this question, and certainly no simple response. Ask different people from across the world and you will be given a variety of answers. A fundamental point to make is that ‘Africa’ does not necessarily mean, constitute, or represent the same thing for all people, including its inhabitants. Where does this confusion stem from, when the defined land mass of Africa is easily identifiable, stretching from the shores of the Mediterranean in the north, through to the convergence of the Atlantic and Indian Oceans in the south? In brief, the competing visions of Africa revolve around geographic, political, cultural, and academic interpretations. Importantly, it must be recognised that what is regarded as Africa has been a continually changing entity over time, but one which was irrevocably altered by the intervention of European colonialism. The current political map of Africa was, with a few exceptions, externally imposed upon the continent in the late nineteenth century, which bore little resemblance to the cultural, ethnic, linguistic, or even geographic realties on the ground. Ali Mazrui (2005, 70) has emphasised the newness of modern Africa, arguing that it took ‘European conceptualization and cartography to turn Africa into a continent … it was Europe that continentalized the African identity’. This artificial construction of nations and nationalities has profoundly affected the continent. It must be remembered that the political map of Africa in its current form is still a relatively recent phenomenon, and as such is still evolving and debated; for example, South Sudan became the most recent independent nation in 2011.

How should we try to conceptualise Africa? Before reaching a conclusion there are a number of problems that must be explored. The first dilemma is whether all the nations on the continent should be considered part of Africa. The North African states of Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, Libya, and Egypt are quite clearly on the continental land mass, yet for many, including its citizens, these countries are regarded as distinct and separate from the rest of Africa. The received wisdom is that the North’s affinities lie predominantly with the Arabic world, due to the prevalence of Islamic and Arabic influences. The Sahara is thus seen to mark the delineation between two very different worlds. The vast majority of academic studies of the continent adopt such an approach by solely focusing upon sub-Saharan Africa; there are many good reasons for doing so, particularly when seeking to draw direct comparisons. However, this book will argue that all these nations must be included in any analysis, and although they will not be the primary focus for attention, they certainly form a part of Africa.

Why should North Africa be included when so many choose to exclude it? First of all, despite the apparent differences, there are many historic and contemporary links between the north and south, including the spread of religion, the migration of peoples, and the interconnected economic systems, which criss-cross the Sahara Desert. There is also a direct contemporary relevance for incorporating North Africa into our considerations. By including the North African states in our framework it helps build a greater understanding and interpretation of distinctly modern issues such as rising religious conflict, the emergence of transnational terror groups such as al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, the collapse of state institutions in Libya, and the mounting numbers of sub-Saharan African migrants arriving in the region, seeking to depart for Europe. These developments have not occurred in isolation, and have a profound effect on the nations either side of the Sahara. Secondly, the European powers conceptualised the continent as a whole, and the scramble for colonies truly began after the crises in Egypt in the 1870s, when the nation’s inability to repay its mounting debts to London and Paris resulted in the Anglo-French takeover of its treasury and infrastructure, undermining its sovereignty; this move subsequently led to the intensification of overseas territorial acquisition. These external powers most certainly did not see dividing lines as they carved up the continent (Sanderson, 1985, 96–100).

Thirdly, and perhaps more problematically, by establishing such an artificial division, it is doing so on the basis of race and religion: an Arabic, Muslim north standing in contrast to the Black, Christian south (Cooper, 2002, 11). There is, however, no neat split on the map, and these overarching assumptions and generalisations based on race and religion do not bear historical scrutiny. Moreover, categorising people on race, and using labels such as ‘black Africa’, does little to dispel the myths and unhelpful connotations that universalise the continent as one and the same thing. Fourthly, the African Union (AU), the continent’s multilateral institution, includes all these states, and, in the past, both Algeria and Libya have played active and enthusiastic roles in pan-continental affairs. For example, following its independence in 1962, Algeria became a beacon for African liberation movements from across the continent, and actively sought to assist many of them. Furthermore, the former Libyan President Colonel Gaddafi was a keen advocate of Pan-Africanism, and he played a crucial role in pushing forward the idea of a transformed continental bloc in the shape of the new AU in the late 1990s, as well as actively interfering in the domestic politics of many sub-Saharan nations. The political elite in these two countries clearly identified with the rest of Africa.

A second geographic and political issue is the status of Africa’s island nations. The land mass is fixed and easily identifiable, but do the island territories in the Atlantic and Indian Ocean form part of the continent? Maps of Africa will often include Madagascar, yet simultaneously ignore five other island nations (Cape Verde, Comoros, Mauritius, São Tomé and Príncipe, and Seychelles). Although there are distinct differences between these islands and the mainland, particularly those located in the Indian Ocean, these nations consciously joined the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), and thus politically tied themselves to the continent’s development. These nations should be considered as an integral part of contemporary Africa, and must not be forgotten. However, it is worth noting that there are several islands and enclaves around Africa that are not part of the continent. For example, the French overseas departments of Réunion and Mayotte, direct legacies of colonial rule, are, despite their geographic location, regarded as being part of the French Republic, to the extent that they send MPs to Paris and even use the Euro. Likewise, another relic of European expansionism is found in North Africa, where Spain governs two city-states, Ceuta and Melilla, which lie geographically within Morocco. These are both disputed territories, and even though Morocco continues to petition for them to be returned on the basis that they are colonies, the enclaves have been governed by Spain since the sixteenth century, and thus Rabat’s historical claims to territorial sovereignty are not that clear-cut.

A final issue that complicates the picture is that there is no definitive number of countries on the continent. The official number is in dispute, and the outcome depends entirely on context. For example, the United Nations (UN) recognises 54 countries and the AU 55. The discrepancy revolves around two countries: Morocco and the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (an area of territory within the disputed Western Sahara). In 1984, Morocco withdrew from the OAU in protest at the inclusion of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, a region which Morocco claims sovereignty over. However, the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic is a partially recognised territory, which has not been accepted by the UN, or for that matter, some African governments (see Chapter 9). Another example of an unrecognised African state is Somaliland, a region in the northwest of Somalia, which declared independence in 1991. Although the territory has a functioning government, maintains a degree of stability, and even has its own currency in circulation, Somaliland is not recognised by any nation or multilateral organisation. In both cases, the matter has yet to be resolved. Ultimately, the question of which countries constitute Africa can vary wildly depending upon specific settings, and perspectives.

How can we answer the original question: ‘What is Africa?’ First of all, it is virtually impossible to identify a single Africa. The geographic and cultural diversity is simply staggering, while the multiplicity of political and economic systems dismantles the notion of a homogeneous continent. If the continent is so diverse, what then binds it? For the majority of the continent there is a shared colonial past, with all except Ethiopia and Liberia experiencing some form of European conquest and rule. Although European colonialism differed depending on the region, context, and the specific colonial power, many modern African states share this commonal-ity, which had an enormous bearing upon their post-independence development. Secondly, the struggles for independence that gathered apace after Ghana was granted its freedom in 1957, had many similarities in tactics, demands, and outcomes, which helped to unite African leaders in their determination to be free of external subjugation; unsurprisingly, this sentiment remains highly influential. Thirdly, in the post-colonial era, many African nations have experienced remarkably similar trajectories in terms of economic and political influences and choices, and unfortunately conflict and instability. In this regard, it makes it easier to draw comparisons about what unites the continent because of the array of shared developmental paths. Finally, on a theoretical and romantic level, the binding ideal of a united Africa is articulated through the vision of Pan-Africanism, and from the historic diaspora. This will be discussed in more depth in Chapter 9, but this powerful idea argues that for the continent to progress there must be social, political, and economic unity to drive Africa forward. Indeed, this unity is premised upon a shared history and a shared future for all those of African descent, both on the continent and in the diaspora. The enduring legacy of Pan-Africanism is still visible, with the ultimate ideal of a united continent continuing to be upheld by the AU. While there are many practical problems associated with realising Pan-Africanism, it remains an important philosophical means of conceptualising the continent.

Although many observers may regard conceptualising Africa in its totality as problematic, there are also many good reasons for doing so. Africa is home to a staggering diversity of political systems, structures of governance, ideologies, and economic practices, as well as cultural, religious, and ethnic interactions, not found anywhere else. The ‘newness’ of the continent in its current form meant that after independence, leaders had a rich array of options open to them; in many ways contemporary Africa has acted as a laboratory for the modern state. African leaders have all had to grapple with big questions such as nationhood, the purpose of the state, the role of identity in politics, and issues of violence and instability. The many and varied approaches towards confronting these challenges have resulted in a multitude of outcomes – some have failed, while others have succeeded. Therefore the plurality of contemporary Africa makes the continent a fascinating case study for enquiry into the range of themes outlined in this book, allowing for intuitive comparisons to be made.

A crucial interlinked question to the theme of ‘What is Africa?’ is ‘Who are Africans?’. This is an equally charged and problematic question, which continues to generate significant debate. Ali Mazrui (2009, xi) identified two groups: ‘Africans of the blood’ and ‘Africans of the soil’. The main argument was that those who are Africans of the blood were categorised by racial and genealogical terms and are ‘identified with the black race’. The Africans of the soil therefore can include the people of Arabic North Africa, Indians in Kenya, and Whites in South Africa who are defined in geographical terms and ‘are identified with the African continent in nationality and ancestral location’. However, this explanation does not necessarily cover all the bases. Another way to conceptualise ‘Who are Africans?’ is through utilising different categories that address themes such as race, geography, and African consciousness linked through Pan-Africanism and the diaspora (Adibe, 2009, 16). While these two authors have tried to pin down this question, each of their definitions have their own inherent issues, which simplify a complex debate; there is clearly no easy answer. The main thing for you to recognise is that not all African people are black, identity can be fluid and evolutionary, while many in the diaspora (see Chapter 9) identify themselves as being African even if they were not born on the continent. Therefore, when considering ‘Who are Africans?’ it is once more a multifaceted question and one that has a range of interpretations and perspectives dependent on your setting and outlook.

To summarise, this book makes reference to the whole continent including North Africa and the island territories. However, to try and avoid the pitfalls of thinking about Africa as a single entity, it might be helpful to (re)imagine the continent as many Africas. This book asserts that this will help escape the ...