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Reinterpreting Shakespeare Today
New Critical Perspectives
The aim of this study is to further the development of fresh readings of Shakespeareâs drama, readings designed to activate the revolutionary imaginative vision that invites discovery in his plays today. It is intended as a contribution to what remains a fundamental objective of radical criticism at the beginning of the twenty-first century: to contest and displace the established interpretations of canonical works, and thereby transform both the present function of past texts and the practice of criticism itself.
The closing decades of the twentieth century witnessed the terminal disillusionment of most students and teachers with traditional assumptions about the nature and point of literary criticism. English Literature is still, in both conventional and more modish versions, one of the most widely studied subjects in the school and university curriculum. But it is a subject which has long been recognized, even in conservative quarters, to be in dire disarray and in urgent need of reconstruction.1 Alternative perspectives opened up by feminism, poststructuralism, psychoanalytic theory, new historicism and cultural materialism have thrown the rationale, and hence the interpretive authority, of once impregnable modes of criticism into serious question. It is now hard to resist the conclusion that the main function of orthodox criticism has been to bolster the beliefs upon which our patriarchal, class-divided culture depends.2
Nowhere has this argument been more convincingly advanced than in the case of Shakespeare, whose recruitment has played a crucial role in securing the objectives of the critical establishment since the eighteenth century. A history and a critique of this process of appropriation have been undertaken in a series of seminal studies, which provide the obligatory point of departure for any attempt to transform the prevailing perception of Shakespeareâs significance.3 I want to start, therefore, by summarizing the main points of the case that has been mounted by this groundbreaking body of work.
The reason why our perception of Shakespeare matters is that over the centuries his drama has come to constitute, as Alan Sinfield observes, âan influential medium through which certain ways of thinking about the world may be promoted and others impededâ. Shakespeare has become, in other words, âone of the places where ideology is madeâ and thus, inevitably, âa site of cultural struggle and changeâ.4 The problem is that so far most battles for the Bard have been won by forces intent on fabricating from his art a powerful apology for leaving the world the way it is.
Shakespeareâs image has been endlessly refashioned and his works tirelessly redefined to ensure that they reflect the illusions underpinning the status quo. The Swan of Avon has been summoned as a star witness to the notion that the characters and fates of individuals are formed independently of their social milieu and historical conditions, whose seeming mutability masks an unchanging order of things. Generations of labourers in the vineyard of high culture have bent themselves to the task of constructing Shakespeare âas the National Poet and as the example of the individual literary genius who transcends his period and produces texts of timeless value which reveal fundamental truths about a âuniversal human conditionâ' â.5 To reconsider in this light the most influential authorities on the plays, from the eighteenth century to the present, is to discern beneath the surface diversity of opinion a common, continuous âeffort of ideological containment, an attempt to harness the unruly energies of the text to a stable order of significanceâ. It is the effort, more specifically, âto recuperate Shakespeareâs text in the name of autonomous subjectivity and universal human experience. From Johnson to Leavis, a tradition grows up in which the plays are subjected to a powerful normative bias, an imposition of meanings and values as conceived by the dominant ideology.â6
Certainly, one of the chief kinds of criticism that have prevailed in Shakespeare studies is the sort in which âhistory, if acknowledged at all, is seen as inessential or a constraint transcended in the affirmation of a transhistorical conditionâ.7 There exists alongside this, to be sure, a venerable tradition of scholarship and commentary, which insists on returning and confining Shakespeare to his original historical habitat. But time and again such a move serves âonly to highlight in the foregrounded text preoccupations which turn out to be not historical at all, but eternal. History is thus recognized and abolished at one and the same timeâ.8 These two apparently opposed styles of Shakespeare criticism reveal themselves, on sharper inspection, to be secretly complicit in the same enterprise. The formidable resilience of that enterprise owes much to the fact that âthe continuities of Shakespeare criticism and textual and historical scholarship all exert a powerful institutional brake upon any attempt to diverge from the order of concepts and methods they have sought to establish for themselvesâ.9
The institutional brakes have been applied most effectively in the sphere of education. Here the most cursory analysis makes it plain that Stratfordâs principal source of revenue âhas been made to speak mainly for the rightâ, not only through the slanted paraphrase of what his works say, but also through his recurrent conscription âto underwrite established practices in literary criticism and, consequently, in examinationsâ.10 The overtly or implicitly reactionary presentation of Shakespeare is a vital component, in fact often the keystone, of school and degree courses in English Literature, not only in Britain but all over the world.11 Indeed, in British secondary education today, as a result of drastic revisions of the curriculum, âthe importance of Shakespeare is perhaps greater than ever, for he is becoming the sole vehicle of high-cultural ideology and establishment literary criticism in schoolsâ.12
Nor does the process of recuperating Shakespeare restrict itself to the academy and the classroom. An examination of the dominant directorial philosophies of the Royal Shakespeare Company (RSC) since the early 1960s, traced through the productions and pronouncements of Peter Hall, Peter Brook and Trevor Nunn in particular, exposes the pervasive and protracted influence of two critics above all: E. M. W. Tillyard, whose books The Elizabethan World Picture (1943) and Shakespeareâs History Plays (1944) cast Shakespeare as a stout traditionalist rooted in his age, and Jan Kott, whose Shakespeare Our Contemporary (1965) depicts him rather as the modernist voice of a bleak, Beckettian vision. Despite their outward incongruity, both these conceptions of Shakespeare âare really two sides of the same conservative coin â both predicated on the ideas of an essential human nature and the desirability of âorderâ' and both hostile to positive political actionâ.13 Film versions and television productions of Shakespeareâs plays have generally fared little better. For, with a few honourable exceptions, where bold, inventive work has been achieved against the odds, the radical potentialities of Shakespeare on big screen and small screen alike âare in practice systematically blocked, suppressed or marginalized by the conservatism of the dominant cultural institutionsâ.14
Given the sheer weight and global reach of the institutions that dictate how the worldâs most celebrated playwright and his works are reproduced in classes, theatres, lecture-halls, cinemas and living-rooms, the chances of reversing the current of interpretation seem slim, to say the least. But if there is one conclusion which the evidence of the radical scholars I have been quoting compels us to draw, it is that the canonized version of Shakespeare is a cultural creation, which has no intrinsic authority and whose validity is wide open to dispute. In short:
Shakespeare does not have to work in a conservative manner. His plays do not have to signify in the ways they have customarily been made to ⌠he does not have to be a crucial stage in the justification of elitism in education and culture. He has been appropriated for certain practices and attitudes, and can be reappropriated for others.15
Any serious venture to transform literary studies into an educational practice devoted not to maintaining but to changing the existing social order must undertake, as a major priority, the sustained reappropriation of Shakespeareâs plays. The question, however, is what form this reappropriation should take, if it is to make his drama more disturbing in its impact on the institutions through which Shakespeare is reproduced, and more constructively alert to our most pressing problems and needs. The metaphysical premises on which most criticism of Shakespeare has proceeded are being dismantled, and the idealist interpretations that have entombed his plays for too long are crumbling away. But the kinds of reading that have emerged to take their place seem to me, for the most part, more questionable and less helpful developments.
Shakespeareâs oeuvre is currently colonized by most breeds of newhistoricist, cultural-materialist, feminist and poststructuralist criticism. The undoubted diversity of their approaches, however, disguises their engagement in a deeper argument between two basic critical strategies, neither of which proves persuasive. The one grounds the dramaâs objectives in the historical milieu from which it sprang; the other cold-shoulders past contexts, preferring to turn Shakespeareâs text into a mirror of the criticâs own method and present priorities.
The cultural materialist Jonathan Dollimore provides a characteristically grim and dispiriting instance of the former method at work. Dollimoreâs brand of historicism seeks to reveal âthe effectiveness and complexity of the ideological process of containmentâ16 in which it presumes Shakespeareâs drama to be embroiled. The progressive criticâs task is to demystify Shakespeareâs plays, by exposing them as elaborate devices employed by the repressive cultural machinery of his time to secure the status quo. Subversive impulses and flashes of resistance find expression throughout the plays, of course, but these are to be explained as ruses of the ruling ideology at its most cunning. Shakespeare only opens authority to question along the way in order to vindicate it more completely in the last analysis. Thus Dollimoreâs account of Measure for Measure maintains, despite abundant implications to the contrary, that the play is best fenced off as âa reactionary fantasy, neither radical nor liberating ⌠the very disclosure of social realities which make progress seem imperative is recuperated in comedic closure, a redemptive wish-fulfilment of the status quoâ.17
It is ironic that critics of Dollimoreâs bent confirm rather than dispute the coarse supposition of traditionalists like Tillyard that Shakespeareâs plays enforce the political, moral and philosophical outlook of those who ruled his world. The (far from negligible) difference is that the Dollimore school offers a more complex diagnosis of the dramaâs conformity, and treats it as something to be smoked out and disarmed rather than sidestepped or celebrated. The plays can be studied and taught from a progressive modern viewpoint, but the idea that they themselves prefigure such a viewpoint is inconceivable. The possibility that Shakespeareâs texts, once extricated from their conservative constructions, might be inclined to signify the opposite of what they have been induced to mean, is entertained only to be dismissed as an historically unwarranted delusion. Dollimore is anxious to reassure us that recognizing the power of the dominant ideology to turn even Shakespeareâs imagination to its account âby no means implies a fatalistic acceptance that it is somehow inevitable and that all opposition is hopelessâ.18 But, with scant textual evidence adduced to persuade us otherwise, it is hard to see what else it can imply, since it leaves merely negative or cynical reasons for studying such a contaminated Shakespeare at all.
It is consequently a relief, in many ways, to turn from this myopic rhetoric of gloom to Terry Eagletonâs brazenly unhistorical âexercise in political semioticsâ, William Shakespeare. Eagletonâs book is an opportunistic attempt to read Shakespeare against the grain, to prove that âthis conservative patriarchâ was actually a seditious postmodernist, whose plays exhibit a proleptic intimacy with the later revelations of âHegel, Marx, Nietzsche, Freud, Wittgenstein and Derridaâ. As such, it constitutes a salutary assault on historicist pieties, wresting Shakespeareâs drama from their fossilizing grasp to send it spinning into the late twentieth-century orbit of critical theory. The drawback is that the texts dwindle into anthologies of excerpts and allusions, whose real point is to validate Eagletonâs poststructuralist thoughts on âlanguage, desire, law, money and the bodyâ.19 Moreover, the ostensibly liberating disregard for historical limits in fact renders the moments of illumination defenceless before the charge of being arbitrary and anachronistic, and thus incapable of arguing their advantage over rival readings.
Eagletonâs eloquence and ironic verve make appealing what often becomes tediously predictable in most efforts to turn Shakespeare into a precocious poststructuralist â by showing, for example, âhow the Shakespearean self-reflexive forays of wit match, remarkably, the wit of the deconstructionist enterpriseâ.20 This commonly means reading his plays in such a way as to demonstrate the abject impossibility of a coherent reading. The object is to leave us impaled âon the problem of linguistic indeterminacyâ, floundering in âthe condition of interpretive uncertaintyâ.21 As a strategy for breaking the strangle-hold of arthritic interpretations, this certainly has its merits. But after the umpteenth exposition of the scandalous arbitrariness of the signifier and the ceaseless deferral of meaning, one begins to see the force of the complaint that deconstruction, when confronted with a text, âcan only endlessly rediscover its own first principlesâ.22 Above all, the method leaves no ground on which cogent, stable accounts, however carefully qualified and provisional, might be built for practical use in education or the theatre. Deconstruction without reconstruction throws the potentially radical baby out with the metaphysical bathwater. For it kills the playsâ urge to undo the credibility of the real world they represent, without pitching themselves or that reality into an abyss of verbal mediation in which nothing can be known or decided.
A fuller and sharper picture of the trends epitomized by Dollimore and Eagleton emerges if we survey the range of recent responses to the flagship of the canon, King Lear.23 We can begin by looking more closely at the strain of criticism we have just glanced at: the sort that feels entitled to construe the Shakespearean text either as an allegory of its own procedure, or as a blank sheet transformed by the textâs reception into a ...