At the start of this address to the history of mixed forms stands â strikingly â the cabinet of curiosities. And if that needs a definition, notwithstanding recently revived interest in the form (Lasser 2014; Moore 2013), it may be described as a Renaissance, curatorial structure that comprises a display of dizzyingly diverse objects. But then again, this history is headed by competing terminology and related phenomena. The cabinet of curiosities was also known by its German name, (the) Wunderkammer, as too, if far less frequently, the Dutch term, rariteitenkabinet. And while these terms function as synonyms, if in different languages, they also point to different aspects of their object, which is thereby variously the site of curiosity, of wonder and of rarities. (When the latter is a qualitative description of the formâs components, it is perhaps one cause of âcuriosityâ and âwonderâ, as the formâs declared affects.) So, appropriately enough, at the origin of mixed form as represented by the Wunderkammer, is a mixture. This is not just lexical. The cabinet of curiosities â especially in its German form â was also identified with seemingly more specialized forms such as the Schatzkammer (treasure chamber), and the Kunstkammer/Kunstschrank. And if, in the latter case, the âart chamberâ would seem to point to a specialist collection, then that is both confirmed and disputed by the phenomena so-named. Many a Kunstkammer is a cabinet of curiosities or Wunderkammer in all but name, as the Habsburgâs collection in Vienna demonstrates today. So this story of mixed form is, at source, associated with a mixture, or a mix-up in relationships between words and things.
This mixture of meanings is at work, too, when it comes to defining what constitutes a curiosity for the cabinet. First, the cabinetâs artefacts are âcuriousâ (and also ârareâ) for their audience when they derive from exotic, unknown lands; those of the âNew Worldâ beyond Western Europe, that were being prospected from the mid-fifteenth century onwards by explorers such as Amerigo Vespucci and Christopher Columbus, and which furnished cabinet staples such as the crocodile, the flying fish and the tortoise-shell. Second, the cabinetâs components are otherwise âexoticâ and hence curious, in presenting the edges of the everyday; extremities of kind or type. Here, examples include âgiantâsâ bones, and in the cabinet of Ferdinando Cospi (Figure 1.9) a living dwarf who acted as a guardian (Bertucci 2016: 150); deformities (âa man with only two fingers on each handâ (Carrier 1987: 83)); and oddities such as the mandible of a horse embedded in a tree-root (Nicholls 2013). And third: there are improbabilities as curiosities â such as mechanical âdevilsâ that heckle the viewer,1 and of course, the unicorn, for which a narwhalâs tusk often did metonymic if mendacious service.2 I am proposing that the first kind of rarity comprises the cabinetâs conceptual core; that the second follows as its domestic extension, and the third is a legacy from earlier, religious culture in which the marvellous, and indeed, relics, also had a role.
âThe story of the Wunderkammer, as narrated by cultural historians, takes the shape of a bell curve â a period of emergence and effervescence from the mid-sixteenth century to the late seventeenth century, followed by a gradual decline at the dawn of the âAge of Enlightenmentâ â â so writes the Latin American scholar JerĂłnimo Arellano (Arellano 2010: 377). One such historian would be Eliza West, who specifies the narrower period 1560 to 1660 when âcollecting was in vogue amongst respected European menâ (West 2014: 76). And here is Marx referring, in Capital, to âthe great revolutions, which took place in commerce with the geographical discoveriesâ of âworld-marketsâ, which âspeeded up the development of merchantâs capitalâ. Marx notes in particular âthe competitive zeal of the European nations to possess themselves of the products of Asia and the treasures of Americaâ and proposes that the âgreat revolutionsâ constituted âone of the principal elements in furthering the transition from feudal to capitalist mode of productionâ in âthe 16th and 17th centuriesâ (Marx [1894] 1999d). As Arellano also remarks â[t]he collection and display of particular objects as wonders or marvels, then, remains intrinsically linked to forms of colonial expropriation and appropriationâ (Arellano 2010: 372). But the quote from Marx proposes that the âlinkâ that Arellano mentions can be understood in starker terms, producing the Wunderkammer as a symptom of mercantile capital.
Certainly, the latter shapes the Wunderkammer in a range of ways. Most basically, it furnishes the Wunderkammerâs contents: âbeads, tusks, coins, feathers, archaeological artifacts ⊠gathered from across the Americas, as well as objects arriving from the Eastâ â this is Arellano quoting Silvia Spitta (Arellano 2010: 372). At the time, this was a wealth of things. More diffusely, and profoundly, a âcapitalist mode of productionâ valorizes the Wunderkammerâs interest in worldly goods, and vice versa. The Wunderkammer speaks of a relation to the world in which stuff matters, and does so variously. First: objects confer status on their owners, who accrue social and cultural capital; second: things enable knowledge (of the physical world) when knowledge is another kind of power. For as much as the Wunderkammerâs items were collected for effect â to impress, and to be marvelled at â they also formed the basis of enquiry, often in the service of new knowledge that would enable further exploitation of the object-world; the capitalist project. (One such instance of a scholarâs Wunderkammer is Ole Wormâs â discussed below.)
So much for the Wunderkammerâs origins â or some of them â as issues of political economy. Next, I consider the way in which the cabinet serves as a starting point for this account of mixed form culture.
Arguably the first demonstrative example of âmixed formâ in Western secular culture, the cabinet nevertheless has a sacred precursor of sorts in the âreliquary chestâ which displayed collections of religious relics (MacGregor 2007: 3). Beyond the sacred, it also had a kind of precedent in the early Renaissance scrittorio which refers to a room, rather than a piece of furniture, which in one example, comprised âastrolabes, and musical instruments, books and writing materials, as well as arms and armourâ (MacGregor 2007: 13). But in the breadth of its contents, the cabinet of curiosities was unparalleled. Further, the cabinet of curiosities is also visibly significant because it was recorded in pictorial â print â form. Developed in the fifteenth century, the copper engraving process enabled images of cabinets to circulate beyond the latterâs immediate audiences, permitting records to survive when the referents had long since disappeared.
But so far, I have emphasized the cabinet as a set of contents, and in doing so, am cued by many commentators both present-day and contemporaneous. Take for instance, the following description from 1638 of the first cabinet open to the public in the UK, which was known as the âArkâ, by a German visitor, Georg Christoph Stirn:
In the museum of Mr. John Trade...