1
VICTORIAN LEGACY
Introduction
At the beginning of the twentieth century Britain was easily still the richest country in Europe, as measured by per capita income, and wage earnersâ income had been rising steadily for at least a generation.25 Although historians have debated the impact of industrialisation on the well-being of the population at length during the eighteenth and first half of the nineteenth century, there has been relatively little disagreement about working-class living standards in the period between 1870 and 1914. It is tempting to believe that the explanation for the general consensus of opinion is simply that the quantitative indicators of workersâ living standards, and specifically the real wage series, suggest that there was unquestionable improvement in the standard of life for most people.
But set against the background of real wage amelioration, there is a considerable body of contemporary evidence that indicates that the poorest sections of Victorian society were experiencing serious impoverishment and destitution. The results of pioneer social investigatorsâ research are rehearsed in all textbooks, yet the impression given by Booth or Rowntreeâs findings that a constant 30 per cent of the population of London and York were in poverty, rests uneasily juxtaposed with the evidence on the behaviour of average real wages, as Ashworth was to note:
âThe great Victorian Boomâ, âthe good yearsâ, and even more gilded labels have been attached to the third quarter of the nineteenth century. But then even a summary account has to move forward only a very few years, recognise that a falling cost of living was easing the condition of the masses, and yet draw attention to âthe submerged tenthâ (or larger fraction) and refer to the hundreds of thousands living âbelow the poverty lineâ, i.e. without the means to buy enough necessities to keep themselves physically healthy.26
The aim of this chapter is to consider the extent to which progress did, in fact, encompass groups at the bottom of the earnings distribution: specifically, urban labourers and agricultural workers. There were a number of investigations of poverty carried out in Britain prior to the Great War, although Rowntreeâs is far the best known. His investigation of poverty in York at the turn of the century is central to this narrative for two reasons. First, Rowntreeâs application of a poverty line, which he used to determine the numbers in York without the income necessary to purchase basic needs, had a dramatic influence on most subsequent empirical investigation of poverty for over half a century. Bowley modified Rowntreeâs poverty line measure, and nearly all investigations of poverty in the interwar period apply Bowleyâs standard, with little or no further modification, but it was Rowntree who was responsible for devising the method. Second, any attempt to resolve the apparent paradox noted by Ashworth requires a critical evaluation of the findings of pre-war poverty surveys. These investigations also reveal important facts about the nature and causes of poverty in Britain, which will be considered in Chapter 2.
1.1 Occupational Class
Before we examine the behaviour of real incomes, it is necessary to consider the extent of class stratification in Britain before the First World War. At the time of the 1911 population census, there were just over 12.9 million men and 5.4 million women âeconomically activeâ. As Table 1.1 shows, based on the Goldthorpe class classification, the vast majority of these men and women were in manual occupations: 73.6 per cent of all âeconomically activeâ men and 76.7 per cent of all âeconomically activeâ women were so defined.27 While there is good reason to believe that the original census returns that Goldthorpe based his classification upon underestimate female employment in 1911, these figures serve as a rough guide to the relative size of the working class in Britain in the period before the First World War. They indicate that the manual working class was about 75 per cent of the economically active population.28 From Table 1.1, it can be seen that 11.5 per cent of economically active men and about 5.1 per cent of women were in unskilled manual occupations. A further 29.1 per cent of economically active men, and 47 per cent of women, were in semi-skilled manual work, and about one-third of all men and one-quarter of economically active women were employed in skilled manual work. The vast majority of manual workers, therefore, worked in an occupation requiring the application of a skill of one sort or another.
Table 1.1 Distribution of economically active population in 1911
| Males | Females |
Self-employed and higher-grade professionals | 1.5 |
Employers and proprietors | 7.7 | 4.3 |
Administrators and managers | 3.9 | 2.3 |
Lower-grade salaried professionals and technicians | 1.4 | 5.8 |
Inspectors, supervisors and foremen | 1.8 | 0.2 |
Clerical workers | 5.1 | 3.3 |
Sales personnel and shop assistants | 5.0 | 6.4 |
Skilled manual workers | 33.0 | 24.6 |
Semi-skilled manual workers | 29.1 | 47.0 |
Unskilled manual workers | 11.5 | 5.1 |
Total | 100 | 100 |
Source: A. H. Halsey, Change in British, Society, 4th edn (1995), Table 2.1, pp. 40â1.
Depending on family size, the condition of the local labour market and life cycle stage, some of the families with adults in these occupational classes would have been regarded by contemporaries as being in âpovertyâ. Exactly what they might have meant by this description, we will come to in a moment, but at this stage it is also important to remember that there were other groups of people, who were not âeconomically activeâ, who might also have been regarded as being in âpovertyâ by contemporaries. The most obvious would be found among the elderly, many of whom would no longer be part of the formal labour market as enumerated by census returns. About 5 per cent of the population of England and Wales were over 65 years old, the majority of which were female. According to the Hamilton Committeeâs findings in 1900, the proportion of old people in rural areas was typically greater than in urban areas. Relatives or friends maintained fewer than one in five old people. Two out of five men and nearly one-half of all old women claimed to have an income of less than 10 shillings per week, and just over 15 per cent of men and a little more than 27 per cent of women were, or had been, in receipt of poor relief.29 In total, there were nearly 0.89 million people receiving poor relief in 1911, either in workhouses or in the form of outdoor relief from their parish, a significant proportion of whom were elderly.30
1.2 State Provision
As a last resort, it was possible to seek assistance from the parish under the poor law, but help from an official agency was testimony to desperation. Citizens were expected to make provision for their own needs and those that were unable to do so survived with help from families and neighbours or from charity afforded by the better off. According to Fraser, the social philosophy of Victorian Britain was based upon âfour great tenets: work, thrift, respectability and above all self-helpâ.31 Although philanthropy and voluntarism were increasingly important for providing assistance to the Victorian poor, preventing many from experiencing the degradation of the workhouse, for most philanthropists the real purpose of charity was to try and engineer the moral improvement of the poor. The Charity Organisation Society (COS), which was founded in 1869, is a good example. Although the COS tried to assist those that could become independent, and pioneered casework methods, its early leaders were ârigorously traditionalâ and the COS was âone of the staunchest defenders of the self-help individualist ethicâ.32 As much as this type of philanthropic activity was important in purely monetary terms, it would be wrong to think of transfers as being entirely from rich to poor. The poor also helped each other, on the basis that they might themselves rely upon similar help. The part played by work...