the people of South Africa resemble the constituents of a plum-pudding when in the process of being mixed; the plums; the peel; the currents; the flour; the eggs; and the water are mingled together. Here plums may dominate, there the peel; one part may be slightly thinner than another, but it is useless to try and resort them; they have permeated each otherâs substance; it would be dividing a complex but homogenous substance into parts which would repeat its complexity.
What then shall be said of the South African problem as a whole? Is it impossible for South African peoples to attain to any form of unity, organization and national life? Must we forever remain a vast, inchoate, invertebrate mass of humans, divided horizontally into layers of race, mutually antagonistic, and vertically severed by lines of political state division, which cut up our races without simplifying our problems, and which add to the bitterness of race conflict irritation of political divisions? Is national life and organization unattainable by us?
(Schreiner, 1923: 61)
This was one of the earliest attempts at understanding the challenges of making of a people called South Africans. In 1941, G. H. Calpin published a book entitled There are No South Africans and posited that âThe worst of South Africa is that you never come across a South Africanâ (Calpin, 1941: 9). At the base of the making of South Africa has been the challenge of how to translate a figurative expression describing the southern tip of the African continent into an identity of a people.
If one flashes analysis back to the precolonial times, the complexity is accentuated because the forebears of the present black South Africans were also actively involved in the processes of enlargement of scale of their polities, nation-making and state-building initiatives. Such nation-builders as Shaka of the Zulu, Moshweshwe of the Sotho, Mzilikazi of the Ndebele and many others contributed to the identity of modern South Africans (Etherington, 2001).
So, at play were not only the imperial and colonial initiatives predicated on frontiers of conquest by the Dutch and the English which culminated on such identitarian projects as Anglicization and Afrikanerization. Colonial conquests and colonial administrations always provoked resistance and contestations from the black indigenous people. The epic Xhosa (Eastern Frontier) wars of resistance lasted over a hundred years whereas the Zulu resistance delivered the defeat of the British at the Battle of Isandlanwa in 1879 and remerged in 1906 with the Bhambatha Rebellion against the tax imposition by colonial administrators of Natal. These were not the only forms of resistance and contestation against imperialism, colonialism and apartheid â between the natives and the settlers.
The Afrikaners and the English also fought over resources, especially minerals as well as over power right up to the time of the Act of Union of 1910. Known as the two Anglo-Boer Wars over the control of the colonies of Natal, the Cape, Transvaal and Orange Free State, the democratic government after 1994 named these the South Africa Wars. This was in part meant to recognize that they were not just engaged in a white (Afrikaner) on white (English) war but over the control of the state power and resources across the colonies. In fact, the natives did participate and suffered a great deal from these wars although only later formally recognised as such in history books. In fact they were major losers of these wars as racial discrimination and land dispossession intensified as the new Union was indeed a white Union. Bongani Nqgulunga in chapter three of this book debates this further.
Arguably, the Wealth of Nations and the Communist Manifesto might have foretold these conflicts for they both mentioned the significance of the colonization of the land in the southern tip of Africa (or the Cape) in the evolution of colonialism and capitalism (Ngcaweni, 2014).
The coming together of the Afrikaners and the British in 1910 to construct modern South Africa as a âwhitestanâ, which excluded black African people from power provoked unity among black African people. The modern anti-colonial and anti-apartheid nationalist struggles became embodied by the formation of the African Native National Congress (ANNC, later renamed the African National Congress) in 1912. This was followed by the establishment of other congresses such as the Indian Congress and Coloured Congress. The most important document that emerged from the congress movements was the Freedom Charter of 1955 which emphasized an inclusive non-racial post-apartheid nation (see Ndlovu-Gatsheni, 2013).
While the Freedom Charter attempted to define the imagined postcolonial/post-apartheid South Africa as a non-racial formation, it provoked radical nationalists like Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe who had already imbibed the Africanist and pan-Africanist ideas of decolonisation being about liberation of conquered black African people and establishment of black African-ruled republics to break from the African National Congress (ANC) to form the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania. Earlier in 1934, Moses Konate of the Community Party of South Africa wrote what came to be known as the Cradock Letter in which he called for the âAfricanisation of the Communist Partyâ, in part recognizing the significance of the natives playing a leading role in the leadership of the liberation movement, driven by their direct experience of oppression and their proximity to local communities.
In short, the period of the anti-colonial struggles exhibited its own complex ideological contestations as well as divergent imaginaries of freedom and liberation. One can distil culturalist-ethnic nationalism, Black Consciousness nationalism, pan-Africanist nationalism, leftist-Marxist-class-oriented nationalisms and liberal-bourgeois-oriented nationalisms. These ideological divergences reflected the complexity of the idea of South Africa as well as the difficulties of its resolutions. How to turn what to some appeared as a mere geographical expression (South Africa) into a stable name of a people who are freed from racism, colonialism, sexism and patriarchy had never been easy. The colonialists and apartheid ideologues had chosen the most simplistic and problematic solution of âseparate developmentâ predicated on fragmentation of people into races and tribes (Bantustans). This was a tragic imagination which provoked all sorts of conflicts. Also, the Freedom Charter prescription of âSouth Africa belongs to all who live in itâ without resolution of economic justice issues has plunged the country into new layers of contestations and conflicts over land for instance, which has remained in the hands of those who benefitted from apartheid colonialism.
Thus, the end of administrative apartheid provoked further imaginations of the nation with Desmond Tutu coining the idea of a ârainbow nationâ and Thabo Mbeki pushing the idea of âAfrican Renaissanceâ and its emphasis on an emergent and inclusive African identity born out of complex historical experiences. It is, therefore, not surprising that scholars like Ivor Chipkin would produce such books as Do South Africans Exist in 2007 which returned to the pertinent question of the construction of South Africa identity linked to the the equally complex issue of democracy (Chipkin, 2007).
The present book is also returning to the fundamental question of how South Africa has been conceived and imagined while at the same time engaging rigorously with various imaginations of the nation across time and space within the context of what Saul Dubow (2006; 2007) terms âthe struggle for South Africaâ and âa struggle to become South Africanâ. In the intra-party discourse of the ruling party, the contest between ideological tendencies is often referred to as âthe battle for the soul of the ANCâ (see Gumede, 2007) while in fact the horizon of this struggle is hegemony over the political and economic institutions of the country.
Today, the new struggles âfor South Africaâ and âto become South Africanâ are inextricably intertwined with complex challenges of transformation, xenophobia, claims of reverse racism, social justice, economic justice, service delivery and the resurgent decolonisation struggles reverberating inside the universities. The RMF Movements underscores the shift from the idea of South Africa that cascaded from colonial/imperial/apartheid thinking to the new âSouth African ideaâ as defined by the descendants of those who were victims of enslavement, colonialism and apartheid.
More recently, these contestation have taken another dynamic particularly as fractures in the ruling African National Congress continue to negatively impact on society. They impact in various ways including:
- Factionalism â this spills over to society to a way of creating violent conflict in communities and institutions. In provinces like KwaZulu-Natal, murder of political ...