The History Of The Mahrattas - Vol II

James Grant Duff

• Publisher: Normanby Press
• Year: 2014
• eBook ISBN: 9781782892342
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Indian & South Asian History
• Index: History

The power of India reached its pre-British Raj height under the Maratha Empire or the Maratha Confederacy which was an Indian imperial power that existed from 1674 to 1818. At its peak, the empire covered much of India, encompassing a territory of over 2.8 million km². The Marathas are credited for ending the Mughal rule in India.
The Marathas were a yeoman warrior group from the western Deccan that rose to prominence during the rule of the Adil Shahi dynasty and Ahmadnagar Sultanate. The empire was founded by Shivaji Bhosle, who formally crowned himself Chhatrapati ("Emperor") with Raigad as his capital in 1674, and successfully fought against the Mughal Empire. The Maratha Empire waged war for 27 years with the Mughals from 1681 to 1707, which became the longest war in the history of India. Shivaji, pioneered "Shiva sutra" or Ganimi Kava (guerrilla tactics), which leveraged strategic factors like demographics, speed, surprise and focused attack to defeat his bigger and more powerful enemies. After the death of the Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb, the empire expanded greatly under the rule of the Peshwas. The empire at its peak stretched from Tamil Nadu in the south, to Peshawar (modern-day Pakistan) on the Afghanistan border in the north, and Bengal and Andaman Islands in east. In 1761, the Maratha army lost the Third Battle of Panipat to Abdali's Afghan Durrani Empire, which halted their imperial expansion. Ten years after Panipat, young Madhavrao Peshwa reinstated the Maratha authority over North India. In a bid to effectively manage the large empire, he gave semi-autonomy to the strongest of the knights, which created a confederacy of Maratha states. In 1775, the British East India Company intervened in a succession struggle in Pune, which became the First Anglo-Maratha War. Marathas remained the preeminent power in India until their defeat in the Second and Third Anglo-Maratha wars (1805–1818), which left the British East India Company in control of most of India.

Chapter I – From 1740 to 1749

Operations of the Mahrattas in the Carnatic – Rughoojee Bhonslay endeavours without success to prevent the accession of Ballajee Bajee Rao as Peishwa – A new Governor appointed to Malwa – Peishwa’s petitions to the Emperor – Death of Chimnajee Appa – His son Sewdasheo Chimnajee Bhow – The Peishwa obtains a grant from the Raja – importance attached to it at this period – Bhaskur Punt invades the Bengal provinces – The Peishwa reduces Gurrah and Mundelah – Dummajee Gaekwar invades Malwa – retires – Peishwa confirms Anund Rao Powar in the possession of Dhar – Chouth of the whole of the Imperial territory promised to the Peishwa – Progress of Bhaskur Punt – is at last compelled by Aliverdy Khan to retreat – Rughoojee Bhonslay, in person, invades Bengal – The Peishwa, on promise of the government of Malwa, and other advantages, supports Aliverdy Khan, and defeats the army of Rughoojee Bhonslay – obtains the government of Malwa – returns to Satara – Is obliged to resign Bengal to Rughoojee Bhonslay, to prevent his combining with other Chiefs against him – Affairs of Nizam Ool Moolk – Suppresses the rebellion of his son Nasir Jung – Proceeds to the Carnatic – arrangements – Rughoojee Bhonslay’s troops renew their incursions into Bengal – Bhaskur Punt with most of his principal Officers treacherously murdered by Aliverdy Khan – Deogurh and Chan-dab annexed to the territory of Rughoojee Bhonslay – Peishwa’s proceedings – Expedition into the Carnatic under Sewdasheo Chimnajee – Specific agreement with the Rajas of Bundelcund – Rise of Ahmed Shah Abdallee – his first invasion of Hindoostan – is repulsed by the Imperial army, and retreats to Cabul – Death of the Emperor Mohummud Shah – Accession of his son Ahmed Shah – Death of Nizam Ool Moolk – Revolutions in the Carnatic – Nasir Jung with a vast army proceeds to that quarter – Important domestic arrangements of the Mahrattas – Discovery of Ram Raja – Plots and intrigues at Satara during the last illness of Shao – Important deed consigned to the Peishwa – Ballajee’s proceedings on the death of the Raja – Base manner in which he compasses the destruction of Suckwar Bye Sirkay

1740

The army which entered the Carnatic, under the command of Rughoojee Bhonslay, was composed of troops belonging to the Raja, the Peishwa, the Pritee Needhee, Futih Sing Bhonslay, and various chiefs of less note. The Ghorepurays of Sondoor and Gooty, were invited to join, by letters from Shao and the Peishwa; and Moorar Rao{1}, the grandnephew of the famous Suntajee Ghorepuray, and adopted son and heir of Moorar Rao of Gooty, appeared under the national standard for the first time, since the death of his distinguished and ill-requited relation. He demanded his rank as Senaputtee, or commander in chief, of the Mahratta army, but consented to wave it on obtaining a promise of three districts near the Toongbuddra{2}. According to Mahratta manuscripts, the whole force which entered the Carnatic amounted to fifty thousand men{3}. They descended by an unfrequented road; appeared in the rear of Dost Ally, in the neighbourhood of the Damulcherry pass, attacked and slew him; defeated his troops, and took his dewan, Meer Assud, prisoner. They commenced levying contributions all over the province, until bought off by Sufdur Ali, the son and heir of the late Nabob, with whom, before retiring, they entered into a secret compact, to return and crush Chunda Sahib, then in possession of Trichinopoly, whose popularity and power had for some time excited the jealousy and apprehension of Sufdur Ali and Meer Assud. No bait could be more alluring to the Mahrattas than Trichinopoly, and the troops only retired two hundred and fifty miles towards Maharashtra, to prepare for the promised conquest, and lull suspicion of an attack{4}.

Whilst the main body of his army remained encamped on the Sew Gunga, Rughoojee Bhonslay returned to Satara, and endeavoured to prevent Ballajee Bajee Rao’s succession as Peishwa, by proposing Bappoojee Naik{5} of Barramuttee, a connection, but an enemy of the late Peishwa, for the vacant office. Bappoojee Naik was possessed of great wealth, and his enmity to Bajee Rao, arose from a very common cause, that of having lent money, which his debtor could not repay. Rughoojee’s party used the irritated creditor as their tool, and very large sums were offered to Shao, on condition of Bappoojee’s being raised to the vacant Peishwaship.

The Pritee Needhee, although adverse to the supremacy of the Peishwa, was yet more inimical to the pretensions of Rughoojee, and as he did not engage in the intrigue, Ballajee Bajee Rao, assisted by his uncle Chimnajee, was at last invested in August, 1740. A more serious cause of uneasiness to Ballajee Bajee Rao, arose from his being answerable for his father’s debts, and Bappoojee Naik enforced his demand with all the importunity, and harassing pertinacity, which is often exercised by the Mahratta creditor{6}. From this persecution, Ballajee was relieved by the influence and credit of his dewan, Mahadajee Punt Poorundhuree, a service of which the Peishwa, ever after, retained a grateful recollection.

Rughoojee, on finding his schemes abortive, carried Bappoojee Naik with him towards the Carnatic, and returned to reap the expected harvest at Trichinopoly, accompanied by Sreeput Rao, the Pritee Needhee, and Futih Sing Bhonslay. In regard to the subsequent operations of the Mahrattas in the Carnatic, very little illustrative of what has already been so ably recorded{7}, has fallen within my observation in the Mahratta country. It appears, however, that the Tanjore state, though then agitated by factions, entered into a friendly correspondence with their countrymen, but whether to avert attack, or to afford assistance, is not mentioned. Trichinopoly surrendered 26th March, 1741, and Chunda Sahib{8} was brought a prisoner to Satara, where he remained in custody of an agent of Rughoojee Bhonslay, for about seven years; his complete enlargement having been effected in the year 1748. Moorar Rao Ghorepuray was left in command of the fort of Trichinopoly, and a part of his garrison was composed of infantry belonging to the Peishwa. Their expences were defrayed by Shao; besides which, it was settled that 20,000 rupees of the share of tribute from the province of Arcot, should be annually paid to Ballajee Bajee Rao{9}.

On the death of Bajee Rao, the government of Malwa, being considered disposable, was conferred on Azim Oolah Khan; but this appointment proved merely nominal. One of the first acts of the new Peishwa was to forward petitions to Delhi, respecting various promises made to his predecessor. These applications were transmitted through Jey Sing and Nizam Ool Moolk. A supply of ready money was what Ballajee most earnestly craved, and fifteen lacks of rupees, as a free gift, were granted by the Emperor. Proposals for an agreement{10} were then drawn up, in the joint names of the Peishwa and Chimnajee Appa, wherein they request that they may receive the government of Malwa; after which, they promise to pay their respects personally to the Emperor; to prevent every other Mahratta officer from crossing the Nerbuddah; to send a body of five hundred horse under an officer of rank, to remain in attendance on the Emperor’s person; and to ask no more than the gift of money already bestowed. They agree to send four thousand horse for service, who will punish refractory zumeendars, as far as their numbers may enable them; and they faithfully promise, not to sequestrate the rent-free lands or jagheers, assigned for charitable or religious purposes.

1741

It does not appear that any notice was taken of the application, but Ballajee, whose disposition was naturally conciliatory, was anxious to have the government of Malwa conferred as a right, according to treaty with his father; and with this view, when Nizam Ool Moolk was marching to the Deccan, in order to suppress Nasir Jung’s disobedience, (a subject to which we shall presently advert,) Ballajee paid him a respectful visit near the Nerbuddah, and sent a body of his troops to join him{11}. At this period he sustained a great loss in the death of his uncle, Chimnajee Appa, which happened in the end of January 1741. Eleven days previously to the event, Kundojee Mankur, under Chimnajee’s direction, had reduced Rewadunda{12}, the last place remaining to the Portuguese, between Goa and Damaun. Chimnajee Appa, from his successes against a European nation, has a greater reputation amongst the Mahrattas, as an officer, than he perhaps deserved. Impressed, from obvious circumstances, with an idea, which however true in most instances, it was dangerous for his countrymen to entertain, he believed that the strength of an army lay in its infantry and guns. To this opinion of the father, may probably be traced a prepossession on the part of the son, Sewdasheo Chimnajee Bhow{13}, then a boy of ten years old, which, strengthened by other circumstances, may have led to the injudicious conduct of that campaign, which twenty years afterwards terminated so fatally on the plains of Panniput.

On the demise of his uncle, the Peishwa returned from the northern districts, and spent nearly a year in civil arrangements at Poona and Satara. Continuing to manifest the greatest apparent respect for the Raja, he obtained from Shao a grant, by which the whole of the territory conquered from the Portuguese was conferred on him, and also with the exception of Guzerat, the exclusive right of collecting the revenues, and of levying contributions north of the Nerbuddah.

1742

At the present conjuncture, the authority thus obtained, was of considerable importance. We have briefly noticed in the preceding chapter, the rise and progress of Aliverdy Khan in Bengal; the defeat of Moorshed Koolee Khan, and the conduct of his dewan, Meer Hubeeb. It appears, that immediately after his master’s defeat, Meer Hubeeb had invited Bhaskur Punt, the de-wan of Rughoojee Bhonslay, who was left in charge of the government of Berar during his master’s absence in the Carnatic, to advance into the province of Kuttack; but Bhaskur Punt, having found it necessary to apply for his master’s permission, before an answer could be received, and the troops prepared, Aliverdy Khan had conquered the province, and Meer Hubeeb had submitted to his authority{14}. Another opportunity, however, soon presented itself to Bhaskur Punt of carrying his arms to the eastward; and no sooner had he set out on his expedition, than the Peishwa, eager to establish his power over those territories, for which the authority obtained from the Raja was, as usual, assumed as a right, marched, though late in the season, towards Hindoostan, and made himself master of Gurrah and Mundelah, before the monsoon. He was obliged to encamp on the banks of the Nerbuddah, during the rainy season, and probably meditated an expedition into Allahabad, when he was called upon to defend his rights in Malwa, invaded by Dummajee Gaekwar, and Baboo Rao Sewdasheo.

This inroad seems to have been instigated by Rughoojee, merely to obstruct the Peishwa’s progress to the eastward: and on Ballajee’s arrival in Malwa, the army of Guzerat retired. On this occasion, Anund Rao Powar, to whom Bajee Rao never became reconciled, after his uniting with Trimbuck Rao Dhabaray, was permitted to pay his respects to Ballajee, and was by him confirmed in possession of Dhar and the surrounding districts{15}; a politic measure which not only secured Powar in his interests, but opposed a barrier on the western side of Malwa, to incursions from Guzerat. Since the Peishwa’s arrival at Mundelah, a negotiation had been going on between him and the Emperor, through the mediation of Raja Jey Sing, supported by Nizam Ool Moolk. The chouth of the imperial territory was promised, and a khillut, more splendid than had ever been conferred on his father{16}, was transmitted to Ballajee. It does not, as may be here remarked, appear that any deed for collecting this general chouth, was ever granted by Mohummud Shah; sums of money, and convenient assignments, were the mode of payment. The object in the pending treaty was, on the part of the Peishwa, to obtain sunnuds for the promised government of Malwa; on that of the court of Delhi, to procrastinate, and to widen the breach between the Peishwa and Rughoojee Bhonslay.

In the meantime, Bhaskur Punt had invaded Bahar: he was induced to make that province the theatre of his first operations, in the expectation of finding the country drained of troops, owing to an insurrection in Kuttack, which had burst forth in consequence of the tyranny and misconduct of the grand-nephew{17} of Aliverdy Khan, whom he had left as governor of the province. Aliverdy Khan, as Bhaskur Punt had anticipated, returned to Kuttack for the purpose of quelling the disturbance, which, however, he speedily effected; and in the month of April was already on his march returning to Moorshedabad, when news was suddenly brought to him, that the Mahrattas had entered Bahar, emerged from the hills and woods near Ramgurh, turned to the right, and had fallen upon the district of Pachaet, in their usual manner of plundering and extorting.

The Mahratta army consisted of ten or twelve thousand{18} horse, and report had swelled their numbers to nearly four times that amount{19}. Aliverdy Khan, although only at the head of three or four thousand cavalry, and four thousand infantry, resolved to oppose them; but the Mahrattas attacked him with great success, surrounded his army, carried off most of his baggage, and reduced him to great distress. Many of his men deserted or were killed, the whole of what remained amounted only to three thousand, but with these he determined rather to die, than submit to the severe demands which the Mahrattas would have exacted. Although sorely harassed for several days, he fought his way, and made good his retreat to Cutwa. In one of the first attacks, Meer Hubeeb, who was in the army of Aliverdy Khan, having been made prisoner, joined the Mahrattas, and exerted himself so much as to gain the confidence of Bhaskur Punt. That officer proposed retiring for the rains, which Meer Hubeeb opposed, but as Bhaskur Punt could not at first be persuaded to remain, Meer Hubeeb requested command of a detachment, with which he marched to Moorshedabad, rescued his brother, who resided in the city, plundered the banking-house of Juggut Sett Alumchund, of the enormous sum of two millions and a half sterling, overtook Bhaskur Punt, and at length succeeded in convincing him that it was better to remain in Bengal, and that it would be preposterous to quit so rich a harvest as he might expect to reap. Accordingly, he wheeled about, and through the aid of Meer Hubeeb, obtained possession of the town of Hooghly by stratagem. Most of the places from Cutwa to the neighbourhood of Midnapoor fell into his hands, and the swelling of the Hooghly alone prevented the Mahrattas from entering the district of Moorshedabad. Whilst affairs were in this state, an officer from the imperial court arrived on the frontiers of the province of Bengal, to demand the arrears of tribute due by the Nabob. Aliverdy Khan represented his situation, and the impossibility of satisfying these just demands, until he could expel the Mahrattas; he at the same time earnestly solicited a reinforcement. Aliverdy Khan likewise applied to the Peishwa, and with a view of inducing him to invade Rughoojee Bhonslay’s districts in Berar, dispatched a considerable sum as a subsidy for that purpose: the convoy, however, was cut off by the order or connivance of Sufdur Jung, the Governor of Oude.

But, whilst thus negotiating for every succour he could devise, Aliverdy Khan wisely placed his chief dependence on his own exertions; he assembled every man he could command, and made vigorous preparations for attacking Bhaskur Punt’s camp at Cutwa, as soon as the season should permit.

Before the rivers had fallen, he prepared a bridge of boats, which, in the night, he threw first across the Hooghly, and then over the Adjee, which enabled him to gain the opposite bank; although, ...

Table of contents

• Title page
• TABLE OF CONTENTS
• Chapter I - From 1740 to 1749
• Chapter II - From 1750 to 1734
• Chapter III - From 1755 to 1756
• Chapter IV - From 1756 to 1760
• Chapter V - From 1760 to 1761
• Chapter VI - From 1761 to 1766
• Chapter VII - From 1766 to 1772
• Chapter VIII - From 1772 to 1774
• Chapter IX - From 1772 to 1775
• Chapter X - 1775
• Chapter XI - From 1774 to 1778
• Chapter XII - From 1777 to 1779
• Chapter XIII - From 1779 to 1782
• Chapter XIV - From 1773 to 1784
• Chapter XV - From 1784 to 1785
• MAPS