PART 1
CHAPTER ONE — THE HIDDEN RESERVES
“Au revoir, in twenty years!”—Colonel Hermann Kriebel of the German Armistice Commission, taking leave of the Allied representatives in 1919.
“One day we shall come back. Until then, à bientôt!”—The last words of an anonymous German military spokesman over the Nazi radio in Brussels on September 1, 1944.
I. The Secret Plan: 1915-1945
THE German General Staff has always regarded military defeat as merely a temporary phase of war. The war goes on. Battle strategy becomes underground conspiracy; artillery is replaced by propaganda; wartime espionage becomes post-war political intrigue, terror, assassination and secret preparation for new military attack.
“Even the final decision of war is not to be regarded as absolute,” wrote Germany’s former military theorist, General Karl von Clausewitz, in his celebrated treatise Vom Kriege (On War). “The conquered nation often sees it only as a passing phase, to be repaired in after times by political combinations.”
These words have been deeply pondered by the German General Staff—the cabal of army officers, Junkers and industrialists who are the real rulers of Germany.{1} They provided the German General Staff with the basis of a secret plan by which it successfully operated after the First World War. Today Germany’s rulers are again operating on the basis of this secret plan in Germany and throughout the world...
The original form of this secret plan of the German General Staff was discovered in 1915 by William Seamen Bainbridge, an American representative in Berlin. After the First World War, seeking to warn America, Bainbridge wrote a detailed report on Germany for the United States Government. It appears as Document No. 26, Official Senate Documents, First Session of the 68th Congress of the United States. This little-known American document contains the most sensational forecast ever made regarding German policy.
Here is the five-point secret German General Staff plan as revealed to Bainbridge in 1915, three years before the end of the last war, by a German officer in a room in the Hotel Adlon, Berlin:
“(1) An armistice will come before any hostile army crosses Germany’s frontier.
(2) There will be no scars on the Fatherland after this war.
(3) The immediate competitors in the economic and commercial world will be so crippled that, when it is all over, the Germans will be outselling them in the markets of the world long before they can get on their feet.
(4) Following the war, there will be economic hell, industrial revolution. We will set class against class, individual against individual, until the nations will have pretty much all they can attend to at home and not bother with us.
(5) If need be, the Fatherland may dissemble into component parts and reassemble at the strategic time.”
In concluding this extraordinary revelation, the German officer turned to Bainbridge and said with deliberate emphasis:
“The greatest struggle will come after the war. The weapon will be propaganda, the value of which we know. The Allies will be torn asunder, each will be put at the others’ throats like a lot of howling, gnashing hounds. And when they are all separated from France, Germany will deal with her alone.”
This German postwar plan was successfully carried out by the German General Staff after the First World War. The Armistice came before any hostile army could cross Germany’s frontier. The war left Germany’s economic might unimpaired, and Germany’s plants, mills and mines unscathed. In the years following the war, Germany was able to challenge America, Britain and France for the markets of the world. German intrigue and propaganda set Britain against France, America against Europe and all countries against Soviet Russia...
In the Second World War the German General Staff has been unable to prevent the invasion of Germany’s home territory. But the German plan today is otherwise almost identical with the plan it carried out with such amazing success following the last German debacle. As Marshal Stalin pointed out in 1942, the German General Staff is methodical and efficient; but it is not very imaginative. Once it has conceived a plan, it follows it step by step, again and again and again, no matter what happens. Like burglars who continually leave their “signatures” behind them at the scenes of their robberies, the German General Staff conducts its conspiracy today precisely as it did thirty years ago.
On February 26, 1945, one of the most remarkable exposés of the Second World War appeared in the Soviet newspaper Pravda. It was an article revealing in full detail the plans of the German General Staff for converting the Nazi Party into an underground apparatus which would continue functioning after the military defeat of Nazi Germany and would carry on systematic preparations for a third world war.
Pravda reported that the German General Staff had already taken the following measures:
“(1) Creation of a powerful financial base for extensive subsidizing of underground work.
(2) Preservation of the main cadres of the party.
(3) Preservation of the economic base of the German war machine.
(4) The political preparation of revenge.”
The article in Pravda stated that these activities were being carried on “both within and outside Germany,” and that within Germany the Nazis were preparing to conduct their underground work chiefly along three lines: organization of sabotage and terrorist bands; setting up of a widely ramified clandestine fascist organization; and sabotage of peace terms between Germany and the United Nations.
The article continued:
“At the present time, the German General Staff feverishly prepares plans for the operations of the fascist underground army, which must be centered chiefly in the hilly and wooded terrain of East Prussia, southern and southwestern Germany, in Tyrol and in Austria.”
A special secret staff had already been selected to direct the operations of the Nazi underground machine. Pravda revealed the names of the men on the staff:
“To direct these operations, a special headquarters has been set up in Munich under Wilhelm Schepmann—one of the organizers of anti-Allied sabotage in the Ruhr in 1923. The members of Schepmann’s staff are Ernst Kaltenbrunner, Gestapo chief and chief of the Military Intelligence Service; Hitler’s personal friend, Werner von Alwensleben; senior officers of the Security Service and Obergruppenführer Schellenberg{2} and Melle.”
The terrorist detachments of the Nazi underground army, stated the Soviet newspaper, “will consist of picked fascist cutthroats from SS units,” which “at present ...are studying future theatres of operations in the areas assigned to them.”
Pravda went on to give a detailed description of the vast and intricate apparatus that had already been organized by the German General Staff:
“Simultaneously a ramified network of secret caches of arms, ammunition, clothing, provisions, secret signals and communication lines is being laid out.
“Along with the preparation of terrorist bands, a huge underground apparatus is being set up to conduct various underground work and fascist propaganda—the so-called sixth column.
“The territory of Germany, divided into sectors and areas, is being covered with a dense network of clandestine Nazi party organizations, consisting of many thousands of secret cells...
“This clandestine organization will serve to build up cadres for the future German Army.”
The overall postwar strategy and tactics of this elaborate Nazi underground organization, concluded Pravda, were to be supervised from abroad by a “special secret General Staff” residing “in one of the neutral countries.”
II. Conspiracies and Confessions
In the spring of 1943 the German General Staff started its contemporary application of the secret German postwar plan. Nazi Germany was face to face with catastrophe. The entire German Sixth Army under General von Paulus had been surrounded and annihilated by the Red Army at Stalingrad. That was the historic turning point of the Second World War.
In November 1943 the French resistance weekly, Combat, published in Algiers, printed the text of a secret German General Staff memorandum which had fallen into Allied hands after the German debacle in North Africa. The author of memorandum was General Otto von Stülpnagel who ruled France for Hitler from 1940 to 1944.
This is what the German General wrote:
“What does a provisional defeat matter to us if because of the destruction of manpower and material which we will have been able to inflict on our enemies and neighboring territories, we have obtained a margin of economic and demographic superiority greater than before 1939? The conquest of the world will require numerous stages, but the essential is that the end of each stage brings us an economic and industrial essential greater than that of our enemies. With the war booty which we have accumulated, the enfeebling of two generations of the manpower, the destruction of the industries of our neighbors and that which we can save of our own, we shall be better placed to conquer in twenty-five years than we were in 1939. The interval of twenty-five years is a limited interval, for that is the time which will be required for Russia to repair the destruction we have visited on her.”
The memorandum mentioned some of the elaborate devices by which the rulers of Germany would seek to evade a just peace:
“We do not have to fear peace conditions analogous to those which we would have imposed because our adversaries will always be divided and disunited. Our enemies recognize already that the 1919 formula, ‘Germany will pay,’ lacked sense and worth. We will furnish them some brigades of workers, we will restore some art objects or out-of-date machines, and we can always say that those which we do not restore were destroyed by enemy bombardments. We should immediately prepare as camouflage a list of such objects destroyed by Anglo-American bombs.”
The basic aim of the German plan, now as in 1918, is to secure a final peace settlement, no matter how severe it may appear on the surface, or how hard on the German people, which will leave German economic power intact.
With amazing consistency Germany’s rulers are repeating the same strategy they employed in the past to obtain the kind of peace settlement suitable to their aims. In both instances, this strategy was mapped out long in advance...
In his war memoirs, General Erich Ludendorff revealed that as early as 1916 the German General Staff decided that it could not win the First World War and that it then began its campaign for a negotiated peace. The peace intrigues went on steadily throughout 1916, 1917 and were intensified after the failure of Ludendorff’s spring offensive in 1918.
Ludendorff tells of the hopes he placed in the Vatican as an intermediary for a negotiated peace. “I also entertained some hopes,” continued Ludendorff, “of the efforts being made by the representative of the Foreign Office in Brussels, Herr von der Lancken, who sought to get in touch with French statesmen. He went to Switzerland, but the gentlemen from France stayed away.”
Ludendorff reveals that the German General Staff was confident it could divide the Allied nations, play one against the other, and so secure the kind of final peace settlement that Germany wanted.
In August 1918, Ludendorff told the Kaiser: “The war must be ended.”
But the Kaiser, like Hitler twenty years later, was unwilling to surrender his power and demanded the continuation of the hostilities.
At this juncture, when the German General Staff was frantically seeking peace so as to forestall complete Allied victory, the famous German steel magnate, August Thyssen, published an extraordinary “Confession” for all the world to read. It was the most sensationa...