Cromwell in Ireland

A History of Cromwell's Irish Campaign

Rev. Denis Murphy

• Publisher: Borodino Books
• Year: 2018
• ISBN:
  9781789121544
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: British History
• Index: History

First published in Ireland only in 1883, this book is a fascinating account of the Irish campaign of 1649-1650 led by Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658), the English military and political leader and later Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, as told by the Irish Rev. Denis Murphy of the Society of Jesus."The object of this work is to give an account in full detail, as far as is possible, of Cromwell's Irish campaign, which began in August, 1649, and ended in May, 1650. It is a portion of history but little known. It lies for the most part in a few books, some of them difficult of access by reason of their scarcity, others written in a language not intelligible to the greater number of readers. Traditions, indeed, there are still surviving of the doings of Cromwell and his followers, many of them having, no doubt, a foundation of truth; but many, too, exaggerations at best, and not a few wholly unfounded and false. In truth, there is hardly a ruined church throughout the length and breadth of the land, the destruction of which is not attributed to Cromwell, or a crumbling castle of which it is not said that"'Oliver CromwellHe did it pommel, And made a breachIn its battlement.'"Evil deeds are attributed to him as done where he never set foot, and names are given to places that would seem at first sight to record his presence there, but in reality have had their origin in the wish of his followers to perpetuate their leader's fame, or in the hatred of those among whom they dwelt, who would hand down the record of his cruelties by an appellation which in their minds summed up all manner of evil."

CROMWELL IN IRELAND.

CHAPTER I. — THE PEACE OF ‘FORTY-EIGHT.

Terms of the Peace—Execution of Charles I.—Ormonde’s Authority—The Commissioners of Trust—Overtures to Jones and Coote—The Fleet under Prince Rupert—Owen Roe O’Neill—Treaty with Monk—Defeat of Ferrall—Siege of Derry raised—Monk and Coote censured by the Parliament.

ON the 17th of January, 1649, a peace was concluded between the Marquis of Ormonde, acting on behalf of King Charles I., and the General Assembly of the Confederate Catholics. Substantially its terms were the same as those of the treaty which the Catholic party had refused the year before. But the position of the Confederates was much changed within the twelvemonth. The country, impoverished by the long continuance of the war, was no longer able to support a standing army. There was no further hope of aid from abroad. The ambassadors, sent by the Assembly to Rome, were told that the Papal exchequer was almost exhausted, and that the resources of the government were hardly sufficient to meet the dangers that threatened southern Italy. Most opportunely for the royal interests, the Remonstrance of the Puritan army in England was published while the negotiations for the treaty were on foot, ‘demanding that the parliament should proceed against the King in the way of justice, as the capital and grand author of all the troubles and woes which the kingdom hath endured, and that he should be brought to justice for the treason, blood, and mischief he hath been therein guilty of.’{1} No ground was left any longer for doubting about the intentions of the party. All who had any regard for the royal authority forgot for a time prejudice and resentment, to secure the King’s safety. The Protestants became more tolerant; many Catholics, who had held aloof from Ormonde hitherto, were gained over by the concessions now made on behalf of their religion. The Assembly conceded some points still in dispute, and ‘in consideration of his Majesty’s present condition and of their own hearty desires of spending their lives and fortunes in maintaining his rights and interests, they resolved unanimously to accept the Marquis of Ormonde’s answer to their propositions for religion.’{2}

By the terms of the treaty it was agreed that the Irish people should be free to practise their religion, without prejudice to their persons or estates; that they should no longer be obliged to take the oath of supremacy—for this a new form of oath was substituted, professing allegiance to his Majesty—and that all acts and ordinances of parliament in dishonour of the Catholic faith, passed since August 7th, 1641, should be vacated. They were assured, moreover, that they should not be molested in the possession of the churches and church livings which they then held or in the exercise of their jurisdiction, until such time as his Majesty, in a free parliament to be held in Ireland, should declare his further pleasure.{3} The Peace was confirmed later by Charles II., who professed himself satisfied in every respect with its terms. Yet just eighteen months after he declared it null and void, adding, ‘that he was convinced in his conscience of the sinfulness and unlawfulness of it and of allowing the liberty of the Popish religion.’{4} Ormonde was no better than his master. The ‘Declaration’ of Jamestown shows how shamelessly he violated it in its most important points.{5} After the Restoration, he was accused of having been on too friendly terms during the insurrection with some of the Irish ecclesiastics; he exculpated himself by saying that his aim was to work disunion among the Romish clergy.{6}

A few days after the signing of the treaty the news of the King’s execution reached Ireland. By all parties it was received with horror and indignation.{7} Profiting of the feeling of sympathy shown everywhere for the royal family, Ormonde, who was then at Youghal, had the Prince of Wales proclaimed King, under the title of Charles II., with all solemnity in every town of Ireland that owned subjection to his authority. His own position remained unchanged by the King’s death. A fresh commission was issued to him by the new King on the 17th of February, renewing his powers as Lord Lieutenant and confirming all he had done in virtue either of the commission of the late King or of his own confirmation of the powers and rights thereof.{8}

Almost the whole of Ireland had now declared for Charles. Nearly all the leading men of the Catholic party were united with Ormonde, and threw themselves heart and soul into the defence of the royal cause. Preston, Taaffe, Clanricarde, Muskerry, and Castlehaven forgot their mutual jealousies for a while and thought only of the common interests. Once more Inchiquin changed sides,{9} now for the last time. He had not found among his Puritan friends the gratitude which he expected in return for his treachery and cruelty. Henceforth no one was more zealous than he in supporting the King and Ormonde.

The King had full confidence in the Lord Lieutenant, but even the moderate Catholics made no secret of their distrust in his promises. That this distrust was well founded is clear from a letter of his to Prince Charles, in which he owns that ‘for want of force to keep any dependent on the King’s authority only and for obtaining such a peace as might reduce the army and the Confederates under the King’s obedience, he had been constrained to subject his Majesty’s power to compliances agreeable with neither.’{10} One of the charges brought against him in the ‘Declaration’ of Jamestown was, ‘that his Excellency, when prospering, put no trust of places taken into the hands of Catholics: by this his diffidence in Catholics and by other his actions and expressions, the Catholic army had not heart to fight or to be under his command, and feared greatly, if he mastered the enemy and with them the Commissioners of Trust or the greater part of them, and many thousands of the kingdom also feared, he would have brought the Catholic subjects and their religion to their old slavery.’{11} According to the terms of the Peace, his powers as Lord Lieutenant should still continue, but he should be assisted in the government by a Council of twelve members chosen from the Assembly of the Confederates, whose chief duty it was to look to the due performance of the Articles, ‘until they should be ratified in a full and peaceful convention of the parliament.’ These, styled ‘Commissioners of Trust,’ and sometimes ‘Interval Commissioners,’ were Lord Dillon of Costello, Lord Muskerry, Lord Athenry, Alexander M’Donnell, Sir Lucas Dillon, Sir Nicholas Plunkett, Sir Richard Bamwall, Geoffrey Browne, Donogh O’Callaghan, Turlogh O’Neill, Miles O’Reilly, and Gerald Fennell.{12} They were, jointly with Ormonde, vested with power to levy soldiers, raise money, erect garrisons, and appoint governors; he could do nothing of importance without the consent of a majority of them. It was not without a struggle that he accepted such restraint and limitation to his power; but he felt that in the face of the present dangers union should be purchased at almost any price. Besides, most of the Commissioners were partisans of his own, and ‘their affections and abilities were so well known and approved by him that, having most of them inclined to the same good end with him, he presumed he should, with the less difficulty, be able to persuade them which were the nearest and most natural ways that conduced thereunto.’{13}

Soon after the conclusion of the Peace, in order to gain over the Parliamentarians in Ireland who still retained some respect for the oath of allegiance which they had taken to serve the Sovereign and the Parliament, Ormonde published a declaration, in which he reminded them of the regard he had at all times shown for the interests of the Protestant religion, in proof whereof he appealed to the Articles of the Peace, ‘the sum of which,’ he declared, ‘was the indulging of some moderate concessions to the Catholics, made until such time as the Act of Oblivion should be passed in Parliament; that he had specially excepted from the advantage of the Peace those who had any part in the crimes committed in the beginning or the course of the rebellion. The Articles were not agreed to until all hope of a treaty between the King and the Parliament was at an end, and the army had proclaimed their purpose to commit a horrid and execrable parricide in the sacred person of his Majesty. The blame thereof, if any, might be laid on those who made such a treaty necessary.’{14} He wrote conciliatory letters to Michael Jones,{15} governor of Dublin, and to Sir Charles Coote,{16} who was in command of the fortress of Deny, inviting them and the forces under their command to return to their allegiance and submit to the King’s authority. Jones rejected his overtures, pretending that ‘he felt himself bound in honour to obey those who had entrusted him with the important office which he held.’ Coote had frequently professed ‘that if at any time he should discover the least purpose in the Parliament of England to change the government or to wrong the King either in his person or posterity, he would sooner beg his bread than be a minister of their proceedings.’ In reply to Ormonde’s letter, he renewed his profession of fidelity, and protested that ‘as soon as the King, or his fleet, or any person lawfully authorised by him, should lay the command on him and showed a probable appearance of power and success to make him hope for security, nobody should more freely and fully evidence the sincerity of his affection to the King’s service than himself.’{17} But these protestations were only meant to gain time until succours were sent him from England. Two months later, a mutiny broke out among some of the regiments under his command, in consequence of the imprisonment of their officers, who were found to be in correspondence with Ormonde. The men ran to arms, rescued the prisoners, and took possession of the town and fortress of Enniskillen. Encouraged by the success of their comrades, several officers of the old Scotch regiments in the north sent to assure the Lord Lieutenant of their readiness to serve the King with the forces under their command. They had opposed the royal authority, not with a view of extinguishing the monarchy, but for the purpose of restraining the prerogative within due limits. Now they loudly professed their abhorrence of those who had compassed the King’s death. But unhappily their abhorrence of the Irish was equally violent; they would take no part with the Confederates. They asked that Commissioners should be appointed to arrange the terms on which their services would be accepted, and that 1,000 horse should go to their aid. Ormonde sent the Commissioners and promised that Inchiquin, with 40,000 foot, should be despatched immediately to Athlone, in order to support them. They too rose in arms and blocked up their commander, Sir Charles Coote, in Derry.

Towards the end of January the royal fleet, numbering sixteen frigates,{18} under the command of Prince Rupert,{19} arrived off the coast of Munster. A few days later it anchored in Kinsale Harbour. Owing partly to the Prince’s jealousy of Ormonde, partly to the intrigues of those about him, he remained almost wholly inactive. At rare intervals some of his ships put to sea, and cruising off the southern coasts, seized on English merchantmen. At first the prizes were abundant, but soon the traders learned to avoid the danger by choosing another route or by remaining safe within the English ports. Ormonde besought him ‘to remember that the ships could not be employed more usefully than in helping to reduce Derry and the fort near it; the officers would thus become absolute masters of that side of the north, and be able to lend considerable assistance towards the reduction of any other part of the kingdom. He added that he was well assured all the shipping belonging to the rebels on the coast of England towards Ireland was no more than three frigates, which were appointed to convoy over some forces designed and lying ready at the water-side for the relief of Dublin; and of those three, there was only one of any ...