Culture Centers in Higher Education

Perspectives on Identity, Theory, and Practice

Lori D. Patton

• Publisher: Stylus Publishing
• Year: 2012
• eBook ISBN: 9781579225124
• Topic: Education
• Subtopic: Higher Education

Are cultural centers ethnic enclaves of segregation, or safe havens that provide minority students with social support that promotes persistence and retention?Though Black cultural centers boast a 40-year history, there is much misinformation about them and the ethnic counterparts to which they gave rise. Moreover, little is known about their historical roots, current status, and future prospects. The literature has largely ignored the various culture center models, and the role that such centers play in the experiences of college students. This book fills a significant void in the research on ethnic minority cultural centers, offers the historic background to their establishment and development, considers the circumstances that led to their creation, examines the roles they play on campus, explores their impact on retention and campus climate, and provides guidelines for their management in the light of current issues and future directions.In the first part of this volume, the contributors provide perspectives on culture centers from the point of view of various racial/ethnic identity groups, Latina/o, Asian, American Indian, and African American. Part II offers theoretical perspectives that frame the role of culture centers from the point of view of critical race theory, student development theory, and a social justice framework. Part III focuses specifically on administrative and practice-oriented themes, addressing such issues as the relative merits of full- and part-time staff, of race/ethnic specific as opposed to multicultural centers, relations with the outside community, and integration with academic and student affairs to support the mission of the institution. For administrators and student affairs educators who are unfamiliar with these facilities, and want to support an increasingly diverse student body, this book situates such centers within the overall strategy of improving campus climate, and makes the case for sustaining them. Where none as yet exist, this book offers a rationale and blueprint for creating such centers. For leaders of culture centers this book constitutes a valuable tool for assessing their viability, improving their performance, and ensuring their future relevance – all considerations of increased importance when budgets and resources are strained. This book also provides a foundation for researchers interested in further investigating the role of these centers in higher education.

PART ONE
RACIAL/ETHNIC GROUP–SPECIFIC CULTURE CENTERS

1
LATINA/O CULTURE CENTERS

Providing a Sense of Belonging
and Promoting Student Success

Adele Lozano

In 2003 tremendous media coverage was devoted to the fact that Latinas/os had achieved the status of the largest racial/ethnic minority group in the United States. Unfortunately, very little national attention was focused on the significant disparities between the educational attainment of the Latina/o population and that of other groups, particularly in higher education. The U.S. Census Bureau (2003) reported that 37.4 million Latinas/os were living in the United States in 2002, comprising 12.6% of the total population. That number is projected to increase to 15.5% of the total population by the year 2010 (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004b). It has been estimated that by the year 2050, Latinas/os will comprise 24.4% of the population, meaning nearly one in four people in the United States will be of Latina/o or Hispanic origin (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004b).

A closer look at the demographics shows that the educational attainment of Latinas/os has lagged far behind their population growth. In 2003 only 57% of the Latina/o population over 25 years of age had attained a high school diploma, compared to 89.4% of the White population (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004a). The number of Latinas/os over age 25 with a bachelor’s degree was only 11%—lower than that of non-Latino Whites, Blacks, and Asians (U.S. Census Bureau, 2004a). Significantly, a critical discrepancy exists between enrollment and graduation rates for Latina/o college students. Although Latinas/os are enrolling in two- and four-year colleges at a higher rate than most other major ethnic groups, they fall behind all other groups in attaining undergraduate degrees (Fry, 2002). This disparity between enrollment rates and graduation rates underscores the importance of addressing retention issues for Latina/o college students, particularly those factors that have a positive impact on retention.

Given that Latinas/os are disproportionately enrolled in two-year colleges (Fry, 2002) and are often first-generation students, it is important to understand how to better serve this population. Factors such as the immigration backlash currently sweeping across the nation, a surge in racial stereotype–themed campus activities (such as the “catch an illegal immigrant” game, Bannerji, 2006), and the increasing number of college-bound undocumented Latina/o high school students signal a need for change in campus environments. College administrators, faculty, and staff must recognize the importance of empowering Latina/o students to create space and build community so they can thrive in an environment in which social, cultural, and academic capital is held mainly by the majority population.

The purpose of this chapter is to examine the role that environment plays in the persistence and retention of Latina/o students. A brief overview of retention as it relates to institutional environments is followed by a consideration of the role that culture centers can play in mediating the effects of a campus environment that not only devalues Latina/o culture but often fosters a climate hostile to non-White students. Current challenges facing Latina/o culture centers, particularly as they relate to organizational models, are also examined. Finally, the chapter considers the future of Latina/o culture centers at predominantly White institutions (PWIs) and discusses the need for empirical research to shed light on the impact they have on Latina/o college students’ sense of belonging and thus on retention.

Although the literature on the experience of Latina/o college students has grown in the past 10 years, research on racial/ethnic minority culture centers, especially as it relates to retention and campus climate, is virtually nonexistent. A literature search in ERIC using the key words “cultural center,” “ethnic,” and “higher education” yields only six results, two of which are empirical studies. These two studies do not focus exclusively on culture centers but rather include them as one of many factors affecting racial/ethnic minority students’ college experiences. As a result of the lack of empirical research on culture centers, I rely on my own knowledge base and extensive experience working with Latina/o culture centers and collaborating with colleagues who support culture centers (African American, Latina/o, Native American, and Asian American) at PWIs.

The Importance of Institutional Environment

Institutional environment and student-environment interaction have been used to study student development, student retention, and student withdrawal. Astin (1993) developed the input-environment-output model as a guide to study college student development. This model defines input as student characteristics upon college entry; environment as “various programs, policies, faculty, peers, and educational experiences to which the student is exposed” (Astin, 1993, p. 7); and outcome as characteristics of students after they have been exposed to the institutional environment. On the basis of his study, which analyzed the effects of 135 college environmental factors and 57 student involvement measures on over 80 outcomes, Astin (1993) found that retention was “significantly affected by more environmental variables than almost any other outcome measure” (p. 195).

Pascarella and Terenzini (1991) identified theoretical models of student retention that support the common premise that persistence is a function of a student’s fit with the institutional environment. They posited that the fit or match is evident in a student’s interactions with the institution’s academic and social systems, and that the factors that affect those interactions are many. Those factors that enhance college persistence include an ethic of care, participation in college-sponsored activities, an emphasis on support services, and a peer culture where close on-campus friendships are developed (Pascarella & Terenzini, 1991). They also suggested that because of differences between the academic, social, and psychological spheres occupied by White and non-White students on predominantly White campuses, non-White students are likely to have significantly different experiences and outcomes than White students.

The “domains” that students inhabit in higher education affect student persistence. Pascarella and Terenzini (1991) refer to these domains as the “academic, social and psychological worlds” (p. 644). Others have emphasized similar domains, particularly in terms of how they affect the persistence of Latina/o students. González (2002) referred to the “social, physical, and epistemological worlds” in his study of Chicano student persistence. Similarly, Attinasi (1989) referred to three different “geographies”: the physical, social, and academic/cognitive geographies. Gloria (1999) identified four domains in which cultural ambiance and community commitment occur for Chicano students: the general university environment, the student training and learning environment, the classroom and curricular environment, and the faculty environment. Hurtado, Milem, Clayton-Pedersen, and Allen (1998) described the four “dimensions of campus climate” that affect Latina/o students: an institution’s historical legacy of exclusion or inclusion, structural diversity, the psychological dimension, and the behavioral dimension. It is helpful to keep these dimensions in mind in consideration of Latina/o student retention and the role of Latina/o culture centers at PWIs.

Retention Models and Latina/o Students

Several college student retention models have emerged over the past three decades. One of the most comprehensive and widely used models of student retention is Vincent Tinto’s theory of student departure (1993). Tinto’s theory, which he revised several times, featured a student integration model that described and explained the longitudinal process by which individuals leave institutions of higher education. He suggested that student departure serves as “a barometer of the social and intellectual health of institutional life” (Tinto, 1993, p. 5). Tinto also argued that social and intellectual integration are essential to college student persistence and that the individual student and the institution are continually interacting with each other, and these interactions affect student persistence/withdrawal.

Tinto revised his model of student retention several times in response to the criticism and studies of other researchers who identified omissions in his model. Much of the criticism focused on problems in applying the model to students of various ethnic/racial backgrounds. In his revised model, Tinto admitted that student participation in college life does not necessarily indicate actual integration in social and academic systems. Tinto (1993) pointed out, “The mere occurrence of interactions between the individual and others within the institution will not insure that integration occurs” (p. 136). This is an important distinction, because despite the fact that racial/ethnic minority students may participate in the social and academic life of an institution, it is possible that because of historic, structural, and institutional racism, they may not feel a sense of belonging or integration in the life of the institution.

However, the concept of integration and the underlying assumption of acculturation continue to be problematic. Students from underrepresented populations that have been historically marginalized in higher education may have a different understanding of the meaning of integration (Hurtado & Carter, 1997). Underlying the concept of acculturation is the assumption that students from racial/ethnic minority backgrounds should adopt the values and beliefs of the dominant culture in order to succeed in higher education. Tinto’s measures of social integration exclude certain forms of affiliation utilized by Latina/o students, such as involvement in racial/ethnic minority student organizations, church activities, and community activism (Hurtado & Carter, 1997).

Moving away from Tinto’s model of student departure, González (2000) developed a grounded conceptual framework for understanding Chicano student participation and persistence in PWIs. His framework examines cultural survival and cultural transformation within the domains of the social, physical, and epistemological worlds. He found that students act as “cultural workers” to transform their environments and fight marginalization while seeking “cultural nourishment” from family, friends, and cultural symbols. The students are empowered through their own actions, which lead to the transformation of the campus environment as they seek a synthesis between their own culture and that of the university. This framework provides insight into the forms of alienation and marginalization experienced within these domains and how they affect Latina/o students.

Latina/o Students’ Sense of Belonging

Most theories and models of college student retention include a person-environment fit or match as a key ingredient of student persistence. Student-institution fit is often measured in different ways (integration, membership, participation, inclusion); however, the main point is that it is important for all students to feel they are part of the campus community—to have what Hurtado and Carter (1996) described as a sense of belonging. As an increasing number of students from underrepresented groups began enrolling in institutions of higher education, many researchers began to reexamine these models to assess how well they apply to racial/ethnic minority students. More recently, researchers have begun focusing on the unique factors affecting the persistence of Latina/o college students. Their research often utilizes qualitative methods to examine and understand the multiple realities and complex cultural realms of minority racial/ethnic student populations (Hernandez, 2000).

Traditional models of college student persistence and retention often ignore unique pre-college characteristics of Latina/o college students. Part of that uniqueness stems from the fact that the Latina/o population is so diverse. The U.S. Census Bureau (2000) recognized that Latinas/os (Hispanics) may be of any race and defined members of this group as having Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central or South American, or other similar origins. There are also generational status differences regarding residency in the United States, as some students are first-generation immigrants, and others come from families who have lived in the United States for several generations. This is likely to affect a student’s degree of biculturalism and bilingualism (Torres, 1999). Moreover, because only 11% of Latinas/os over age 25 have a bachelor’s degree, many Latina/o students are first-generation college students. Velásquez (1996) argued that a history of sociopolitical subordination in the United States, combined with strong elements of resistance, and a bicultural identity are unique characteristics that must be considered when one is addressing persistence issues for these students. Thus, a complex combination of pre-entry characteristics and campus environment characteristics may influence the persistence decisions of Latina/o students.

For student affairs practitioners, the important piece of the retention puzzle is identifying and addressing environmental factors that promote or hinder college persistence for Latina/o students. Campus culture is a salient characteristic of higher education that influences the social and academic climate. Kuh and Whitt (1988) defined culture in higher education as:

The collective, mutually shaping patterns, norms, practices, beliefs, and assumptions that guide the behavior of individuals and groups in an institute of higher education and provide a frame of reference within which to interpret the meaning of events and actions on and off campus. (pp. 12–13)

This definition stresses the interactions between people on and off campus as well as shared underlying beliefs. Traditional retention models assume entering students must conform to the campus culture in order to be successful. However, Latina/o students often enter institutions with a set of cultural beliefs and assumptions that are different from those of the dominant culture (Torres, 2003). In order to counter the normative interpretation of Tinto’s model, researchers have begun to expand his framework and connect it to other theories addre...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication
• CONTENTS
• ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
• FOREWORD
• PREFACE
• PART ONE: RACIAL/ETHNIC GROUP—SPECIFIC CULTURE
• PART TWO: THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES AND CULTURE CENTERS
• PART THREE: ADMINISTRATIVE AND PRACTICE-ORIENTED ISSUES FOR CULTURE CENTERS
• APPENDIX A TRANSFORMING FOR THE 21ST CENTURY
• CONTRIBUTORS
• INDEX