Introduction
Empowering methodologies can be understood as an ethical stance that involves creating spaces for qualitative researchers to seek to equalise power differentials âin their relationship with research participants by paying attention to issues of voice, interpretation, interactions, dialogue, and reflexivityâ (Davis 2012, 261). A key premise of empowering methodologies is that people who are othered, oppressed or exploited in or through organisations and management are invited to participate in the production of knowledge that is related to them. These people are also entitled to expect that the research process will involve some form of reciprocally beneficial exchange, for example by enabling their lived concerns, fears or aspirations to be voiced in a way which enables them to be heard, including by those who occupy positions of power.1 In addition to systematically developing methodologies that challenge established inequalities, research empowerment relies upon an incremental practice of seeking out moments when traditional power imbalances between researchers and participants are disrupted (Ross 2017). To accomplish this, empowering methodologies draw on perspectives that engage with difference and seek to challenge oppression and inequality, including feminist (Lather 1991, 2007), critical (Alvesson and Deetz 2000), decolonial (Smith 2012) and participa-tory (Burns, Hyde, Killet, Poland and Gray 2014) research.
A key feature of empowering methodologies concerns their role in raising epistemological questions. For feminist methodologist Patti Lather (1991), this is founded on an examination of what it means to know, by considering âthe textual staging of knowledgeâ and seeking to avoid oneâs âown authority from being reifiedâ (p. 84). Empowering methodologies thus involve embracing epistemological uncertainty through the realisation that knowing is âuncertain endeavour ⌠[which involves] dealing with an uncertain worldâ (Morgan 1983, 386). In so doing, they acknowledge that there is no such thing as value-free knowledge and allude to the inseparability of ethics and epistemology (Code 2020; Bell and Willmott 2020). Empowering methodologies thereby introduce axiological considerations related to the importance of values in producing knowledge through research. Specifically, they present a challenge to the notion of value-free science which âsimply drives values undergroundâ (Lather 1991, 51). To enable these shifts, empowering methodologies call for reconsideration of the power relations embedded in social and organisational inquiry â for there can be no exploration of research empowerment without an understanding of power in research, including the power to silence or obscure from view.
Our commitment to empowering methodologies is prompted by concerns about the effects of colonising (Ibarra Colado 2006; Gobo 2011), Anglo-American, positivist (Ăsdiken 2014; Grey 2010) and masculinised (Bell, Meriläinen, Tienari and Taylor 2020) practices of knowledge production, in the field of organisation studies. While much critical, reflexive work has been done by qualitative researchers to analyse research practice as a series of embodied, affective relationships, most mainstream research in our field adopts a positivist epistemology that assumes the existence of objective truths awaiting discovery. Values are seen as âsubjective, undermining the pursuit of truth and a potential source of bias or errorâ (Hiles 2012, 53). These epistemological commitments invite transactional, rational and instrumental views of research relationships which make the kinds of engagements on which empowering research relies impossible.
Our collaboration since 2011 combines two distinct and different vantage points.2 Emma has drawn on feminist, decolonial, new materialist and qualitative methodologies and used them to rethink what it means to âknowâ in organisation studies- and the purposes and consequences of such knowing (Kothiyal, Bell and Clarke 2018; Bell, Kothiyal and Willmott 2017; Bell and Willmott 2020; Bell, Winchester and Wray-Bliss 2020). Sunita has traced how concepts from Western psychology have been imported into Indian management research with a disregard for indigenous alternatives. Through her work on Indian values, spiritualities and cultural traditions (see for example Singh-Sengupta 2009, 2013), she has sought to highlight the importance of concepts of Indian spirituality â which British colonialism and Christianity attempted to destroy and appropriate â âas sites of resistance for indigenous peoplesâ (Smith 2012, 78). At the same time, we seek to acknowledge the tensions that arise from our situatedness â Sunita in India and Emma in the UK. Bi-cultural (Smith 2012) research partnerships involving researchers in the global South working with those in the North are subject to power relations in a context where connections, including âacademic travel ⌠patronage and sponsorship, publication and the formation of research networks ⌠commonly centre on prominent figures in the metropoleâ (Connell 2007, 218). The publication of this book in the Routledge India Originals3 series is intended as a gesture whereby we have sought to situate our collaboration, and the knowledge it has fostered, in India and the global South to a greater extent than these dynamics encourage.
The remainder of this chapter is structured as follows. We begin by explaining why we believe empowering research is urgently needed due to the current ârepositivisationâ (Lather 2007) of research in a context of global academic precarity (Kothiyal et al. 2018). Next, we reflect on the situatedness of knowing and knowledge in the context of core-periphery relations between the global North and South. In the section that follows, we discuss the epistemological arguments on which empowering methodologies rely and the ethical and political purposes that they serve. We draw in particular on concepts developed by feminist philosopher and epistemologist Lorraine Code, including âecological thinkingâ (Code 2006) and âepistemic responsibilityâ (Code 2020). We then consider the sensory, affective, embodied practice of empowering research which involves listening, seeing, moving and feeling, suggesting that this can facilitate a more diverse, creative and crafty (Bell and Willmott 2020) repertoire of research possibilities.4 Finally, we identify three aspects of empowering research, showing how they relate to each of the chapters that make up this volume.
Post-positivism and repositivisation in organisational research
The assumption that knowledge can aspire to be value-free has been widely challenged by feminist, postcolonial, postmodern and critical scholars who refute the logic of scientific inquiry based on the epistemology and methodology of positivism. Some commentators argue that we are entering an era of post-positivism in the human sciences (see Prasad 2005) â a period in which the socially constituted, historically and culturally embedded and value-based nature of knowledge is recognised. Empowering methodologies are aligned with the âmethodological and epistemological fermentâ that characterises âpost-positivistâ human science (Lather 1991, 50). Post-positivism encourages experimentation with interactive, contextualised methods of study that are oriented towards co-constructing knowledge based on lived human experience.
Despite the ambition of the post-positivist turn, in organisation studies there has been a shift towards ârepositivisationâ (Lather 2007). Thus, while there is considerable interest and diversity in qualitative research in the management disciplines, including those âtraditionally seen as founded on objectivity, âfactsâ, numbers and quantificationâ (Cassell, Cunliffe and Grandy 2018, 2), the proportion of qualitative research that is published in prestigious journals continues to be low and is growing very slowly. This has been accompanied by a growing standardisation of qualitative management research where creativity has been constrained and practices have become more homogenous and formulaic (Cassell 2016). There has also been a move towards neo-positivism in qualitative organisational research. This is indicated by practices that involve demonstrating the objective validity and reliability of analytical procedures, for example statistical, inter-rater reliability checks (Cornelissen, Gajewska-De Mattos, Piekkari and Welch 2012), counting occurrences and the unreflexive use of terms like âbiasâ (Bell and Thorpe 2013).
Understanding the turn towards repositivisation in organisation studies requires consideration of the contexts where knowledge is produced â the neoliberal, globalised business school. Organisational researchers face increased pressure to conform to conservative, technocratic and isomorphic norms of what counts as âgoodâ empirical research, often framed within a positivist or neo-positivist paradigm (Bell et al. 2017). Precarious working conditions, intensification of research and teaching and prescriptive managerial regimes mean that early career researchers are tacitly or explicitly told that critical, qualitative research is too risky, likely to be viewed as insufficiently âsystematicâ and hence less likely to be published or enable academic employment (Bristow, Robinson and Ratle 2017). Practices of âotheringâ qualitative research(ers) are also situated in patriarchal and colonial cultures, which position qualitative research as feminised (Mir 2018). Significant detrimental, professional and personal effects can arise for these researchers as a consequence of their failure to comply with dominant methodological norms. Ann Cunliffe (2018) offers a passionate and moving account of the oppressive effects of scientism on her identity as a qualitative organisational researcher. Her ethnographic narrative draws attention to the political and ethical consequences of her career choices over a twenty-year period in a context where âopportunities to be imaginative and write differently are diminishingâ (p. 9). Related sentiments are also expressed by researchers at the start of their research careers. Ruth Weatherall (2018) describes how she felt estranged from the normative, scientific conventions of academic writing that framed her doctoral thesis, which distanced her emotionally and ethically from women who had experienced domestic violence and had participated in her research. She urges consideration of the uneven power relationships that shape doctoral research writing and poses questions related to the kinds of researchers we want to become and who we are writing for.
The effects of uneven power relations on researcher identity are also reflected on by Rashedur Chowdhury (2017, 1111) in a discussion about his fieldwork encounters with traumatised victims and rescuers in the Rana Plaza garment factory collapse in 2013 which âkilled and injured at least 1135 and 2500 people respectivelyâ. Chowdhury describes how his âmultiple identitiesâ as a Bangladeshi, who had lived for 15 years in the UK, shaped âwhat I think about myself, and how I am perceived by fellow academicsâ (p. 1113). For Chowdhury, feelings of double-consciousness resulted when âWestern society and academia ⌠fails to take victimsâ feelings seriouslyâ. He questions whether âvictims voicesâ and their âlives, agony, and grievancesâ âmatter at allâ in conventional research (2017, 1113â1114). Chowdhury advocates a paradigm shift in research on marginalised actors that challenges âthe narrow, orthodox way of publishing researchâ and instead makes âuse of oral history, literary theories, art work, and alternative philosophiesâ (1115â1116). As these examples powerfully attest, researchers who refuse to comply with dominant positivist norms are constituted as the âotherâ who does not belong, contributing to feelings of personal and professional isolation.
Situated knowing
The contributors to this book share a concern about the need to decolonise social scientific knowledge production by translating postcolonial theory into empirical and methodological research practice. Postcolonial scholarship has done much to problematise the ontological and epistemological ground on which fields like organisation studies are based through the exposure of âepistemic colonialityâ and âviolenceâ (Ibarra Colado 2006; Spivak 1988). Postcolonial critiques of social scientific knowledge production trace how methods and practices (that are assumed to be universal) were, and continue to be, exported from the global North to researchers in the global South (Alatas 2003; Gobo 2011; Bell and Kothiyal 2018). In the global South, research has been a âsite of significant struggle between the interests and ways of knowing of the West and the interests and ways of resisting of the Otherâ (Smith 2012, 2). In considering the role of place and power in determining how knowledge is produced, Raewyn Connell (2007) traces the influence throughout the twentieth century of âurban and cultural centres of the major imperial powersâ, which she refers to as the âmetropoleâ (p. 9), in defining the classical sociological canon. She demonstrates how sociological knowledge is linked to the imperialist gaze through the feature of âbold abstractionâ developed through the comparative method. This rests âon one-way flow[s] of information, a capacity to examine a range of societies from the outside, and an ability to move freely from one society to another ⌠features which all map the relation of colonial dominationâ (Connell 2007, 12). Theories are thereby claimed to be universally relevant through relating to âsocial practices and human beings in generalâ (p. 34, emphasis in original). However, this assumption overlooks global inequalities in âscientificâ knowledge production that arise from European and North American imperialism. In addressing this, Connell draws attention to embodied practices of social science which she suggests may be used to challenge as well as reinforce core-periphery relation...