Since the end of the Cold War, Europe has found itself in the midst of simmering conflicts and crises in its near and wider neighbourhood. Increasing numbers of international actors have become involved in the crises that mark todayâs security environment in Europe. An increasing number of international and regional organisations have been created including the UN, the NATO, the EU and the OSCE, who have all done their stint in securing Europe and its borders from external threats. Interestingly, states often prefer to create new organisations with overlapping functions and mandates in the same policy area instead of reforming the existing ones, thus adding to the growing proliferation of international and regional security organisations (Eilstrup-Sangiovanni 2020; Hofmann 2019). It would be naive to believe, however, that these organisations have the same share in contributing to peace, security and stability and that they maintain closer ties among each other. One salient example in which two overlapping organisations have forged exchanges and interactions in the Euro-Atlantic space is the relationship between the EU and NATO.
With the emergence and development of European capabilities and policies in the field of foreign, security and defence affairs through the introduction of the CFSP and CSDP in the Treaty of Maastricht in 1991, new questions of division of labour and institutional overlaps arose. What has been most striking is the question of why it has become necessary to create new structures and capacities alongside NATOâs already existing military planning structures and capabilities and how the co-existence of similar security organisations in Europe will look like â will they cooperate or compete with each other. In fact, not only do the EU and NATO cover a similar geographical scope and share common norms and values, but above all, they share a high degree of membership overlap: 21 of NATOâs 30 member states are also members of the EU. In addition, the two organisations have a similar origin: the idea to formalise cooperation among states in the Euro-Atlantic region to prevent future conflicts and deter new aggression in the aftermath of the Second World War.
In the study of international organisations and their interactions with each other in the same policy field, member states play a crucial role in designing, shaping and controlling the direction of external relationships. Inevitably, questions that arise from this perspective concern the position of states in interorganisational relations and their contribution to shaping and directing the EUâNATO relationship. What roles do member states take in the relationship between the EU and NATO in the area of foreign, security and defence affairs? What is more, considering the developments of the EUâNATO relationship since the end of the Cold War; how do member states contribute to the functionality and dysfunctionality of this particular relationship?
Even though the literature on EUâNATO cooperation to date has mushroomed to examine their relationship from different perspectives, including the historical developments, practical cooperation in crisis management operations, the institutional structures as well as competition (see, for example, de Wijk 2004; Duke 2008; Flockhart 2011; Gebhard and Smith 2015; GrĂŠger 2016; GrĂŠger and Haugevik 2011; Hofmann 2009; Howorth and Keeler 2003; Major and Mölling 2009; Muratore 2010; Ojanen 2006; Reichard 2006; Smith 2011; Whitman 2004), this literature does not put a greater emphasis on the role of member states in shaping the EUâNATO relationship. This book contributes to the ongoing debate on cooperation among international organisations in the field of foreign, security and defence policy by focusing on the EUâNATO relationship and the particular role of member states. The first aim is thus to contribute to the understanding of the evolution, structures and interactions of EUâNATO cooperation. The time frame of interest for this study is from the end of the Cold War in 1991 to 2021, covering three decades of the development of this particular relationship. While looking at this special interorganisational cooperation, the role of member states will be at the centre of attention. This research thus examines the means that member states have at their disposal to circumvent institutional and legal barriers to shape EUâNATO cooperation.
The second purpose of this book is to contribute to the advancement of the theoretical approaches to the study of interorganisational cooperation. Conceptualising and theorising interorganisational relations in the International Relations Scholarship went a long way, although neither a common approach nor a clear conceptualisation exists. The present theoretical framework takes into account existing understandings and conceptualisations of international cooperation and foreign and security policy orientation, while also considering different theoretical approaches, such as interorganisationalism, network theory and international regime complexity. Developing a set of features of interorganisational interaction then helps to develop the typology of member states in interorganisational relations, which facilitates the analysis of the EUâNATO relationship from the member state perspective.
Since the EU and NATO share a high degree of overlap in their membership and in their functions, mandates and security policies, as well as some complementary and inter-bureaucratic institutional structures, the question remains why the two organisations still do not get on the way one would expect them based on these overlaps. As argued in this book, the very reason for the dysfunctionality of the EUâNATO relationship, at least to some extent, is found in statesâ behaviours, attitudes and approaches to using their membership in both organisations. While some states are outspoken supporters of the Atlantic Alliance â the so-called Atlanticists â others are labelled as Europeanists, that is, those favouring the EUâs approach to crisis management (Cornish and Edwards 2001: 589). Yet, this categorisation does not ultimately explain what role states actually play in EUâNATO cooperation. The endeavour to examine the role of member states is thus guided by the following questions: why and how do member states contribute to the (dys-)functionality of the EUâNATO interorganisational relationship? How do different national features shape member statesâ roles and positions in the relationship between the EU and NATO? In this context, national features refer to member statesâ historical experiences, domestic particularities and restraints, geopolitical location and military capabilities. Given that states have varying perceptions, positions, ambitions and capabilities as well as differences in their bilateral and minilateral relations with other member states, this research further addresses the question: how do statesâ use of minilateral and bilateral relationships affect EUâNATO cooperation?
This book provides a new angle to the interorganisational relationship between the EU and NATO by exploring the different positions of member states. It argues that member states play a crucial role in steering and influencing the direction of the EUâNATO relationship based on their national attributes, foreign and security policy orientation and their partnerships with other member states in the Euro-Atlantic security community. Statesâ bilateral and minilateral relationships as well as inter-state tensions strongly impact the developments and evolution of this interorganisational relationship. The state of the art of their relationship and the degree of enhanced cooperation between these two international security organisations has been an achievement by their secretariats, by individual key players and by their member states. The EUâNATO relationship has so far not yet yielded in any further formalisation as challenges and obstacles are still observable, which are primarily created and maintained by member states. The goal of this book is, therefore, to illustrate how member states are guided by their political strategies and foreign and security policy orientations on the one hand and by their capabilities, relationships and active engagement in security and defence affairs within the respective international security organisations on the other hand. By examining the role of member states in the EUâNATO relationship, this book seeks to enhance the scholarly work in these fields of study by adding the perspective of member states to the analysis. To investigate the particular roles and contributions of member states, a broader understanding of the EUâNATO relationship is required. In order to do so, this introductory chapter pictures the historical and institutional developments of their relationship and highlights why member states need to receive greater considerations.
The EUâNATO relationship in perspective
The relationship between the EU and NATO has experienced many rollercoaster moments since the beginning of their interactions. While it has seen constant progress, there have also been periods of stagnation. Both Howorth (2009) and Flockhart (2014) even claim that their relationship was not only unsatisfactory but also dysfunctional, and therefore, âthe political relationship between NATO and the EU requires careful thought and managementâ (Moens 2003: 32). Their relationship has consequently been summarised by Flockhart (2014: 75) in the following: