Part ISources and scene
Bergsonās intellectual celebrity in the Anglophone world in the early twentieth century was not immediately accompanied by an appreciation of the historical roots of his ideas. āTo the English-speaking world at least, Bergsonās views came with such force of novelty that he seemed to have no roots in the pastā (Stebbing 1914: 36), and āthe fashionable world, and many among the thinkers of his time, saw in him a man of originality without parallelā (Scharfstein 1943: 3). English-language historical inquiries into Bergsonās philosophy began in earnest only in 1913, with a study by Arthur Lovejoy in Mind ā āSome Antecedents of the Philosophy of Bergson: the Conception of āReal Durationāā (Lovejoy 1913) ā that critically assessed Bergsonās debt to FĆ©lix Ravaissonās remarks on durĆ©e in his 1838 doctoral thesis Of Habit (Ravaisson 2008), as well as to the lesser known late nineteenth-century thinkers Lionel Dauriac and Georges Noel, both influenced by Charles Renouvier. The following year, Susan Stebbing published her Pragmatism and French Voluntarism, which sought to show in Bergsonās work āa continuation of the current of French thought that proceeds from Maine de Biran through Ravaisson and Boutrouxā (Stebbing 1914: 35). Long after the Bergson boom had subsided, Ben-Ami Scharfstein, during another world war, developed Lovejoy and Stebbingās approaches with his Roots of Bergsonās Philosophy, a systematic attempt to assess the French philosopherās originality on the issues of time, intuition, psychology, biology, morality and religion.
This important and instructive attention to the historical roots of Bergsonās philosophy in the Anglophone world was not revived at the beginning of the more recent wave of interest in his thought, a new wave occasioned by the work of Gilles Deleuze. Deleuzeās approach to his predecessor through the prism of a contemporary concern for a philosophy of difference (Deleuze 1956a, 1956b), and then the methodically ahistorical reconstruction of his doctrine in the longer Bergsonism, meant that a new generation of readers, once Deleuzeās texts had been translated into English in the 1990s, were without any real understanding of the traditions that Bergson develops. This is problematic in that an understanding of Bergsonās ideas ā or any canonical philosopherās ideas, for that matter ā in their context allows us to grasp them as living philosophical developments, as the expression of a movement that takes particular paths rather than others, and thus to discern more clearly the philosophical possibilities that they can still open for us in the present and future.
In the last few years, however, English-language scholarship has begun to resituate Bergsonās ideas historically, and this essay aims to add to that effort. In building on recent work (see Sinclair 2018 and 2019: Chapter 5), it aims to offer the most complete account of the precedents for Bergsonās conception of time as duration, of duration as distinct from a spatialised time as recorded by clocks, in nineteenth-century French and francophone thought. Bergson admitted that there were precedents: the account of duration in Time and Free Will was the expression of a āmovement of ideas that has been developing more or less everywhere [un peu partout] and that has its own more general and profound causesā [M 658]. Of course, Time and Free Will enables us, with hindsight, to perceive this movement clearly, and in any historical inquiry of this nature, we should not forget what Bergson will later characterise as the retroactivity of the present on the past (see Sinclair 2020: 191ā7) together with the risk of retrospective illusion that this retroactivity entails. We should avoid, that is, unduly asserting that āBergsonianā ideas were already present in the tradition. When looking for the historical sources of a philosophical idea, it is important to understand that, insofar as it changes what the canon is for us, all creative work, in the words of Pierre Bayard (2009), is anticipatory if not actual plagiarism; it may look like actual plagiarism after the fact, but have involved a rather more creative return to sources. With that proviso, the essay first examines FĆ©lix Ravaissonās account of durĆ©e together with the associated philosophy of number in Of Habit, before turning to the Belgian Joseph Delboeuf, whose 1865 philosophy of science distinguished vulgar from scientific time. A third section examines the ideas of Albert Lemoine, whose Lāhabitude et lāinstinct characterises durĆ©e in remarkably Bergsonian terms, as well as the continuation of these ideas in the work of his student and editor, Victor Egger. A concluding section refers to the work of Alfred FouillĆ©, Jean-Marie Guyau and then Emile Boutroux, and argues that on the question of time as duration, Bergsonās ideas emerge from a broad nineteenth-century constellation of more or less āspritualistā thinkers, rather than from the narrower BiranāRavaissonāLachelierāBoutroux lineage that features as a more prominent influence on other aspects of his thought.
1.1Number, space and time in Of Habit
The second chapter of Time and Free Will, the one in which Bergson according presents his account of the purely qualitative experience of duration, opens with a brief account of number, a key element in any philosophy of mathematics. For Bergson, āany clear idea of number ⦠implies a vision in spaceā (TFW 79/59). A particular number is a unity, since it is apprehended as such, and bears a single name, but this unity is, at the same time, a sum that allows for division into smaller units and that thus contains a multiplicity of parts that can be considered in isolation. In order to count these units in, say, a flock of sheep, we ignore the individual differences of the sheep and take into account only what is common to them all, and to do that we have to treat them as co-existent and simultaneous. Co-existence, however, amounts to spatial juxtaposition, since the meaning of ānine sheepā, Bergson argues, is given in the mental representation of eight things next to each other.
This argument concerning number is already laid out in Of Habit, wherein Ravaisson attempts to account for the nature of consciousness, and what he takes to be its principal faculty, namely the understanding:
Quantity, then, implies number, number implies co-existence, co-existence implies extension, and extension implies space; and if Bergson seems to take this argument as a given in 1888, it is presumably because Ravaisson had already presented it.
In Time and Free Will such an account of quantification as spatialisation acts as a kind of stepping-stone towards the idea of a purely qualitative duration irreducible to quantification and spatial representation, but it is important to underline that the latter is not dependent on the former. If the argument concerning number and space fails (for a recent critique, see Watt 2021), and if we find another philosophy of mathematics more convincing, Bergson can still rely on the claim that any application of number to time involves space in that our measures of time derive from the locomotion of the earth around the sun. In any case, we can see how Ravaisson did not quite arrive at the same conclusion as Bergson about time in observing that he seems to endorse the argument of Immanuel Kant ā who is cited in these paragraphs of Ravaissonās text (2008: 120) ā that number is also essentially related to time. Somewhat obscurely, the Critique of Pure Reason had argued that although āthe pure image of all magnitudes (quantorum) for outer sense is spaceā, time is necessary for the application of the concept of magnitude to appearances. The āruleā or āschemaā of this application is what Kant calls number, āa representation which comprises the successive addition of homogeneous unitsā, and ānumber is therefore simply the unity of the synthesis of the manifold of a homogeneous intuition in general, a unity due to my generating time itself in the apprehension of the intuitionā (Kant 1929: 183 [A142ā3/B182]). As Ravaisson argues more simply, āaddition is possible only in timeā:
Bergson rejects this claim and considers it to be a confusion resulting from the āhabit we have acquired of apparently counting in time rather than spaceā (TFW 78/58). In his treatise on habit, that is, Ravaisson has succumbed to the illusions of habit! We might count to 20 when, say, playing hide and seek, and Bergson can even admit that in so doing it is āincontestableā that we have thus ācounted moments of time rather than spaceā. In ācountingā in this way, however, we do not arrive at a sum, and we have, in the end, merely enumerated a learnt sequence of numbers in time, numbers whose sense derives from space. To count in a genuine way, we have to āfix in a point of space each of the moments that we countā, and āit is on this condition alone that the abstract unities form a sumā (TFW 79/59). The result of counting, then, is simultaneous, and the meaning of number resides in this simultaneity.
In Of Habit, Ravavissonās claim about time and counting has significant consequences. He claims that the time supposed by quantification can itself be measured, and that this quantification of time requires an extra-temporal principle:
The claim that quantification, although intrinsically spatial, also requires time has, then, led Ravaisson to the further claim that the measurement of time itself requires an extra-temporal principle, the āsubstanceā of the self. Has Ravaisson thus led us back āto the Kantian Ego, to the āSynthetic Unity of Self-Consciousnessāā (Lovejoy 1913: 470)? Ravaissonās is hardly the most faithful rendition of Kantās doctrine, since he apparently commits the paralogism of applying the category of substance to the āsubjectā who thinks.1 Stil...