British Pamphlets on the American Revolution, 1763-1785, Part I, Volume 2

Harry T Dickinson

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2021
• Print ISBN: 9781138751064
• eBook ISBN: 9781000558609
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: World History
• Index: History

First published in 2007, this collection presents a selection of British pamphlets, which represent the multi-faceted debate on both sides of the political divide in Britain. The pamphlets in this work are organised chronologically in two parts, taking the start of American armed resistance in 1775 as the dividing point. Volume 2 covers the period of 1766 to 1774.

ALLEN, THE AMERICAN CRISIS

DOI: 10.4324/9781003113720-9

William Allen, The American Crisis: A Letter, Addressed by Permission to the Earl Gower, Lord President of the Council, &c. &c. &c. On the Present Alarming Disturbances in the Colonies (London: T. Cadell, 1774). British Library, shelfmark 102.e.70.

This pamphlet is poorly structured and weakly argued, and it is written in a highly-partisan and high-flown style, but its value lies in the fact that it so clearly reveals the political prejudices of a firm supporter of Lord North's government when the Coercive or Intolerable Acts were under consideration in early 1774. The author is bitterly critical of William Pitt, Earl of Chatham, who was urging conciliation at this time, and Benjamin Franklin, who would soon leave London for America. He is also sharply critical of the leading Patriots in Boston, whom he attacks as the chief instigators of the breach with Britain. He condemns them for their ingratitude and for not contributing to the expense of imperial defence. He advances the usual arguments about parliamentary sovereignty and virtual representation, and stresses the importance to Britain of control of the Atlantic trade. More original are his suggestion that all the colonial charters should be rescinded and his proposals for strengthening royal government and ecclesiastical authority in the colonies. He is prepared to consider allowing the colonists to send agents to represent their interests in Parliament and he even raises the prospect of electoral reform. Although he fears that the Americans are keen to secure political independence, he has great confidence in British power being able to prevent this, if it is effectively deployed.

This pamphlet has been attributed to William Allen (1704-80), an American politician and landowner who was educated in England. He had opposed the Stamp Act, but later opposed American independence. It is much more likely, however, that the author was the William Allen who served as a clerk in the office of the Secretary of State for the Colonies (the American Secretary). His location at Whitehall, the seat of government in Westminster, suggests this; even more indicative is the praise lavished on government ministers, especially Lords Hillsborough and Dartmouth, who were successively Secretary of State for the Colonies.

THE AMERICAN CRISIS: A LETTER, ADDRESSED BY PERMISSION TO THE EARL GOWER, Lord President of the Council, &c. &c. &c. On the presnt alarming DISTURBANCES in the COLONIES.

WHEREIN

Various important Points, relative to Plantation Affairs, are brought into Discussion; as well as several Persons adverted to of the most distinguished Characters.

A Ν D

An Idea is offered towards a complete Plan for restoring the Dependence of America upon Great Britain to a State of Perfection.

By WILLIAM ALLEN, Esq;

LONDON:

Printed for T. CADELL, in the Strand.

M DCC LXXIV.

Introductory Advertisement.

THOUGH IT MAY DE PRESUMED THAT THE FOLLOWING LETTTER WAS PROFESSEDLY WRITTEN IN FAVOUR OF THE MEASURES WHICH ARE ADOPTED BY GOVERNMENT, IN REGARD TO THE REGULATIONS GOING FORWARD IN NORTH AMERICA, YET THE AUTHOR BEGS LEAVETO PREMISE BEFOREHAND,THAT, UNBIDDEN, HE ONLY WROTE IN CONSEQUENCE OF THEIR APPARENT RECTITUDE. HE WOULD LIKEWISE PARTICULARLY ASSERT, THATTHE SENTIMENTS HE OFFERS TOWARDS CARRYING INTO ACT A COMPLETE PLAN FOR THE IMMEDIATE BRINGING AMERICA TO ITS REQUISITE PERFECTION, ARE OF HIS PRIVATE OPINION, AND NOT THE DICTATIONS OF ANY PERSON. FOR HE OPINES THAT IN PROPORTION AS AMERICA ARRIVES AT HER NATURAL PERFECTION, BUILT UPON HER FIRST CONSTITUTIONAL PRINCIPLES, WILL BE THE MUTUAL PROSPERITY OF BOTH COUNTRIES; THE UNION OF WHICH IS NOT ONLY, HE THINKS, CONDUCIVE TO THE HAPPINESS OF BOTH, BUT NECESSARY TO THEIR VERY EXISTENCE. IN THE INFANCY OF COLONIZATION, SUCH A PLAN, AIMING AT PERFECTION, NEITHER COULD BE IMAGINED NOR BROUGHT TO BEAR; BUT BY A VARIETY OF CONCURRING CIRCUMSTANCES, THE PECULIAR MOMENT NOW SEEMS TO OFFER ITSELF IN A MOST PROPITIOUS MANNER, AS POINTED OUT BY SOMETHING MORE THAN CHANCE, NOT ONLY TO FORM SUCH A COMPLETE SYSTEM, BUT TO CARRY IT INTO EXECUTION.

AND THE AUTHOR WAS THE MORE FORCIBLY IMPELLED TO HAZARD HIS THOUGHTS IN PUBLIC, FROM HIS BEING A WITNESS TO THE VIOLENT AND UNJUSTIFIABLE PROCEEDINGS OF NEW ENGLAND, WHOM NOTHING COULD RECLAIM; AT THE SAME TIME, HE SAW THAT THE MOST TEMPERATE CLEMENCY PRODUCED FROM HER NO BETTER EFFECT THAN THE SNEER OF DERISION, AND THE DEFIANCE OF CONTEMPT. THEREFORE THE CENSORIOUS ARE TO CONSIDER THE ERRORS THEY MAY FIND IN THIS LETTER, AS THE MISTAKES OF THE HEART, NOT THE DEEP-DESIGNING FAULTS OF THE HEAD.

TO THE LORD PRESIDENT GOWER, &c. &c. &c.

My L O R D,

CNSONANT to the Practice of epic Writers, who lay it down as an invariable Rule, to propose their Subject in the beginning, I will take the Liberty at first to acquaint your Lordship, that the Subject of this Letter is an Endeavour to promote, on a permanent Foundation, and upon equitable Principles, the just Sovereignty of Great Britain over America; as well as to impress on the Public an Idea, that there is a Necessity of doing Something to the Purpose: I will likewise, my Lord, go farther than is usual for most Writers, I will divulge my Motives, and assure your Lordship, they arise from a Desire to see Harmony and just Obedience restored in the Colonies, where Faction and Discord, raised and nurtured by SelfInterest, excite a Spirit of Rebellion, which threatens the most dangerous Consequences: Nay, my Lord, if I went beyond this, and said, the Glory of Providence, the best of Motives, was among them, I should speak the Truth; for can his Honour be more suitably advanced, than by reforming territorial Regions inhabited by Millions, now in a State of impersect Legislation, to a complete System of Government; approaching, in some small Degree, towards that Government of the World itself, where a Sovereignty is established, a due Dependance ensorced, and the Good of the Whole maintained?

And I am the more desirous of inscribing this Piece to your Lordship, from your acknowledged Regard to the Felicity of your King and Country, in combating and demolishing, like another Hercules, the Hydra Party, many headed Monnor, Monnor which reared itself, with threatening Aspect, against the Peace and Tranquillity of the Nation; as well as for your having the Honour to preside in the Council, which, as in the Assair with Spain, dispasionate dispassionate and forbearing, though provoked. Arms itself, with a steady, avenging, and magnanimous Fortitude, to protect national Honour, and reduce the Haughtiness of Pride to Reason and Justice.

Hence convinced by Experience, that the most gentle Forbearance has been long inessectual to jeclaim Disobedience, and hardened in their Error, that they look upon it as the Artisice of Timidity, till they are bold to dare what they cannot withstand, your Lordship at length become satisfied, that the Mother-Country must exert all the Authority of a Parent, and bring its disobedient Children back again to Duty, Gratitude, and Obedience.

But, my Lord, from speaking of Party, we may advert to its Effects, even from one composed of the most respectable Characters, at the Head of which was seen the Marquis of Rockingham: They repealed the Stamp-Act; the World's Opinion was, tho' it might be wrong to lay the Tax, all now agree it was not right to have it abrogated, for they say, it is one Cause of the present Commotions; and reversing the StampAct is, in the Eyes of many, an Act that will stamp on their Administration the indelible Stigma of Disapprobation, as the Error of an hasty Moment: and this is the general Opinion.

Yet, my Lord, though the Bands of Party are broken by the Exertions of persevering Wisdom, and its busy Companies, enlisted under the Banner of Self-Interest, are dispersed; some of its half-pay Captains, who still keep the Loaves and Fishes of Government in view, breath the Spirit of Opposition; and raise and join the Popular Cry against Administration, for no other End, indeed, but to get into Place, and serve the State with an Honesty that would astonish the World. Excellent Mummery!

But People, who haye experienced the Fallibility of pseudo Patriots, when they hear the most eloquent Orators arise in the Senate with formal State, and with studied Declamations harangue the listening Audience, charm the pleased Ear with flowing Periods, and delight Fancy as she is elegantly led in the flowery Paths of Rhetoric; tho' they may admire the Orators, they smoke the Patriots! And can there be any Character more ridiculous in the political Drama, than a Person roaring aloud, with thundering Accents, against Government, characaturing the Ministry, and endeavouring all he can to clog the Wheels of State, because he is not admitted to share the Favours and enjoy the Caresses of political Fortune?

Against the necessary Measures which must be taken with the Americans by this Kingdom, who can no longer sit patient and tamely hear the Insults of its daring Sons, let the popular Speakers bellow till they crack their Lungs and burst their Sides; for it is known such noisy Declaimers have Other Prospects in View than the Good of their Country. Hence a sensible People will no longer be imposed upon by such Vapour-like Appearances, but will continue to hold them in deserved, Contempt: For though Falshood be dress'd out with flowery Ornaments and meretricious Decorations, to catch the giddy Eye wandering after Pleasure; yet the fair-spoken Harlot, though mimicking Truth, will soon be discovered by cool Judgment, and treated with the Derision, she merits. But it is to be hoped, that even disappointed Party will smooth her angry Brow, coadjuvant to Administration, and put in pratice what is often in her Mouth—The Love of our Country; as the most important Theme is agitating, that ever employed the noblest Senate in the World, and bearing with it the most important Consequences.

Any disinteresled Person, who has paid the least Attention to Colony Affairs, since the Time we have driven, at a prodigious Expence of Blood and Treasure, the dangerous Enemy from their back Settlements on the Mississippi, must have eaeasily formed a just Character of the American. Race, which by strong Degrees, that have marked their characteristic Features, shew them to be ungrateful, disobedient, and factious; with ardent Desires to shake off their Allegiance to this Kingdom. If this, my Lord, can be fairly proved to be the true State of a Cafe so big with ruin, it will then naturally follow, that Something must be done by the Mother-Country, to bring its refractory Offspring back again to that Duty and Allegiance they sο boldly disavow: In a Word, that a perfect Plan (one as perfect as human Wisdom can modulate) be laid down for the mutual Benefit of the Whole; and when the Plan is agreed upon, and adequately matured by the potent legislative Soul of Great Britain; that then it be enforced with all its collective Power; on which every worthy Man may beg a Blessing, as on such a Measure as this depends our Existence as the happiest, the most free, and the greatest People on the Face of the Earth.

In the mean Time it will be proper to premise this Opinion, which ought to be formed of our amiable Sovereign, that the Poles are not more distant from each other, than is from his Breast the Idea of propagating Oppression to make Way for Τyranny, in order to forge the Chains of Slavery, and erect a Throne of Despotism. But that he only means to eftablish a proper Subordination in his Colonies, which from the Laws of God and the Practice and Right of Nations, is due to the supreme Authority; of which Subordination as composed of the best and most Intelligent of the Nation, the Parliament is itself the best Judge.

In going so far back into the Annals of Britain as the Reign of Elizabeth. I mean not to tire your Lordship with a long Narrative of historic Passages, relative to the first Discovery of and making Settlement in America; though indeed it might at once be as useful as entertaining; but it would exceed the Bounds of a Letter, and therefore trespass on Patience. But when a Settlement was formed, it will be necessary to enquire, in what Light, that great Queen viewed the People who formed the Settlement, and in what Relationship that Community considered itself to the Sovereign or to the Mother-Country.

That Princess, it seems, on one Part understood herself as much the Queen of the English and their Children in Amtrica, as if they had their Residence in England; and the People on their Part had no other Notion than that of being as much her Subjects in America, as if they were in London. The taking Possession of the Country at once by Discovery, Resignation, and Purchase, rendered her and every King of England, as really Sovereign, as if it had been a conquered Country, or a Kingdom by Inheritance. In Consequence of which, the State permitted its Subjects to form Settlements, while it lent them Assistance, modelled their Government, and gave them Protection; proclaiming itself the supreme Legislature, which in all Things was cheerfully acknowledged by the Settlers, while they rejoiced in the happy Dependance.

To bring this nearer home to the human Heart, Truth and Fancy have formed the molt corresponding Analogy in Nature, in speaking of Great Britain as the Mother-Country, and the Colonists as its Offspring and younger Children; and the Comparison is so happy, that it holds good in almost every Instance of Reflection in regard to America.

Britain, the wife, the oppuient, and tender Parent, not like a partial unfeeling Step-Mother, but like a provident and skillful Guardian, with paternal Affection provides for its younger Branch; and bestowing an ample Heritage in America, equal, if not Superior in the Prophecy of Time, to the Birthright of the Elder, affords the Means to make it good, by requiring the Elder to assist and protest Brethren too weak to support themselves. But as every Act of a sovereign Parent was exercised, still a parental Authority, unlimitted, but by the Laws of Equity, Affection, and Reason of Things, was kept up with becoming Dignity; and in return for this Support and Protection, as they were bound in Duty, they were obedient, and Submitted to every parental Regulation.

Under such benign Influence, and nurtured by a Hand so amicable, and sheltered from the rude Storms and nipping Blasts, that might be raised by Envy, Jealousy, and Ambition, It is no Wonder they became prosperous. At length, not less dependant, though now becoming useful to the Parent that gave and secured their Existence, they had Opportunities to express their Gratitude, tho' not at their own Expence, by taking its superfluous Manufactures; yet still the Advantages grew up together in mutual Usefulness; for in Proportion as the Parent was obliged in its Manufactures, the Colonists were benefitted by taking off its Productions; and therefore their present usefulness can, in no Sense, supersede their prior Obligations.

Still cherished, and more completely planted by the great common Parent, the filial State enlarged itself, to the Admiration and Envy of its Neighbours, who beheld, with evil Eyes, the rapid Progress it made towards a powerful Perfection. Thus enlarging, more and more, from its infant State to robust Maturity, enjoying the glorious Benefits which were derived from its Parent; in Property secured, Liberty ascertained, and Happiness enjoyed; partaking of the unequalled Modesof that Government which distinguishes the equitable Rule, and marks the mild Sway of the maternal Scepter; the crafty Foe with insidious Rancour, timidly unable to sieze the growing Power it saw flourishing: in Prosperity, and fearing its generous Guardian, came in the Dark, hehind its Back, and stood in Act to give a fatal Blow; which had it taken place, would have dashed the growing Sons of Freedom to the Ground; and those its politic Favour had saved, would have bruised under the Rod of Despotisim, and bound with the heavy Chains of Slavery. 'Twas then the long-enduring Parent, by godlike Power Supported, and with all the just Indignation of offended Majesty, unlocked its Τreasure, which was dealt with unsparing Munificence, and sent forth its daring generous Sons; who rushing ardent to defend their weaker Brethren, followed the trembling Foe through their devious Courises, and along their Chain of strong Holds, till at length they were driven from every Resource, and totally from the fruitful Domains, whose verdant Hills and delightful Meadows, they left with the utmost Chagrin, Regret and Disappointment, from the superior Valour and Generosity of the noble Sons of Liberty.

This unbounded Liberality of thinking and acting, one might naturally expect, at least would have excited a corresponding Gratitude. What a Pity it is, that Ingratitude, which is the Disgrace of human Nature, should so soon fix its Abode in Amer...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Half Title Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents Page
• The Legislative Authority of the British Parliament, with Respect to North America (1766)
• The Rights of Parliament Vindicated, on Occasion of the Late Stamp-Act (1766)
• The Constitutional Right of the Legislature of Great Britain, to Tax the British Colonies in America (1768)
• Shall I Go to War with my American Brethren? (1769)
• The Rights of the Colonies, and the Extent of the Legislative Authority of Great-Britain (1769)
• Considerations on the Expediency of Admitting Representatives from the American Colonies into the British House of Commons (1770)
• The Right of the British Legislature to Tax the American Colonies Vindicated (1774)
• The Right of the British Legislature to Tax the Colonies Considered (1774)
• The American Crisis (1774)
• Editorial Notes