British Pamphlets on the American Revolution, 1763-1785, Part II, Volume 5

Harry T Dickinson

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2021
• Print ISBN: 9781138751095
• eBook ISBN: 9781000558630
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: World History
• Index: History

First published in 2007, this collection presents a selection of British pamphlets, which represent the multi-faceted debate on both sides of the political divide in Britain. The pamphlets in this work are organised chronologically in two parts, taking the start of American armed resistance in 1775 as the dividing point. Volume 5 covers the period of 1776 to 1778.

ANON., INDEPENDENCY THE OBJECT OF THE CONGRESS IN AMERICA, OR, AN APPEAL TO FACTS

DOI: 10.4324/9781003113751-3

Anon., Independency the Object of the Congress in America, or, An Appeal to Facts (London: John, Francis and Charles Rivington, 1776). British Library, shelfmark, 8177.de.9.(l.).

Although rather disjointed and repetitive, this pamphlet indicates the extent of conservative anger in Britain against the rebellious American colonies. The author seeks to vindicate the past policies of the British government and to rally support for the war. He believes that the colonies are duty-bound to contribute to the costs of imperial defence and he insists that their assemblies are subordinate legislatures. The present crisis was not caused by such insignificant taxes as the tea duty, but was brought about by the turbulent, seditious spirits found in New England in particular and by their deluded friends within Britain. The dispute is not justified and has been brought about by those colonists who seek independence. Plans for reconciliation, advanced in the colonies, and terms of reconciliation put forward by Lord North's government, have all been rejected by the New England fanatics. The Continental Congress, itself an unconstitutional body, has offered terms to the King (by means of the Olive Branch Petition) that sought to divide him from the Westminster Parliament. Now that negotiations have failed, force must be used to compel the American rebels to submit. Although he knows that the Americans will seek foreign assistance, this author is optimistic that military victory can be achieved. He believes that the Royal Navy can destroy American commerce and that substantial loyalist support can be secured in New York and the southern colonies. Honour requires that Britain should fight to regain control over the colonies and, if the nation rouses itself, it can win this unnatural contest.

Nothing is known of the author of this pamphlet. It appeared in May 1776, before the American Declaration of Independence.

IN DEPENDENCY ΤΗE OBJECT OF THE CONGRESS IN AMERICΑ. OR, AN APPEAL to FACTS

LONDOΝ: Printed for JOHN, FRANCIS, and CHARLES RIVINCTON, (Ν° 62 ) St. Paul's Chu? ch-yard, MDCCLXXVI.

INDEPENDENCY THE OBJECT OF THE CONGRESS in AMERICA.

THE political Controversy between Great-Britain and her Colonies has so long engaged the Attention of the Public, so many Arguments have been urged concerning the Right of Taxation, that little more can be said on the Subject. On the other Hand, to be indifferent at this Time, would shew at once a Want of public Virtue and Humanity. Every honest Englishman must be desirous of taking an actíve Part, if he can be in the least instrumental in forwarding Peace.

But as the Colonies are certainly the Aggressors, as Hostilities commenced on their Side, not only by a most outrageous Demolition of British Property, but by traiter ously levying War against the Parent State, it certainly follows that Overtures of Peace must come from them; and more especially after conciliatory Proposals have been held out to them, by Government, notwithstanding their rebellious Proceedings. If the Colonies pesist in refusing to make such Overtures, it will then appear evident to the most superficial Understanding, that they are fighting for Independency. Which from the general Conduct of the Congress in America, there is too much Reason to suppose at this Time to be the great Object of that unconstitutional Meeting, as I shall endeavour to evince by an Appeal to Facts.

That the evil Effects of Rebellion should follow from so trivial a Circumstance as a Three-penny Duty on Tea, (while that Article of Luxury still remained cheaper to the Americans, than when purchased of other Nations, and was therefore in Fact, neither a Tax nor a Grievance) must appear inconceivable, to all such as are unacquainted with the Venality of our Paity Views at Home, and the Republican Principles of the New-England Fanatics, difaffected to the established Government of Britain.

Taxation was the Plea for raising a rebellious Army against the Parent State, while Independency, too much encouraged by pretended Patriots in England, was and is the real Object of the Republicans in America; and from their great Influence in the Congress, and the Conduct of the Delegates in Consequence, it is now manifest that the Majority of that Body, are animated with the same Principles.

No Man wishes for Peace more than Ï do; but common Justice to those in Power., who are represented as Men that delight in shedding Blood, the Blood of British· Subjects, obliges me to vindicate them. And the Duty I owe to my native Country, impels me, at the same Time, to contribute my Mite, however insignificant, that the English Nation may be convinced, unnaturai as this War will appear to every-one that the Odium must fall oh the Colonies, not on Great-Britain.

History cannot furnish such an Instance, of Subjects enjoying every Advantage of a mild and generous Government—of a People unmolested in their Property, and 'affectionately encouraged, and supported from Infancy to Manhood by an indulgent Parent, thus wantonly precipitating themselves, and their Posterity into Ruin, and for what? a mere Jealousy of ideal Grievances, of Grievances, that never existed but in a deluded Imagination, imposed on by the Wiles of knavish Hypocrisy.

If the People of Boston bad been willing to make Satisfaction for the greatest Insult that was ever offered to any Government, the unjust Demolition of the Property of its Subjects, not a Life would have been lost on either Side; but when instead of endeavouring to compose the Disputes with the Mother Country, Pieparations Were made for War on the Part of the Colonies: When the Canadians, altogether unconcerned i'i the Dispute, were invited by base and treacherous Means to take part with them; when military Magazines were erected; when the executive and legislatìve Authority were wrested from Government: The Governor and Commander in Chief (General Gage) insulted by rebellious Demagogues, perpetually haranguing the People, and Urging them, by the most feditious, language, to resist the Authority of Parliament; and finally, when the British Troops were attacked, in a dastardly Manner from the Windows of Houses, and from behind Stone Walls; it then became no longer a Doubt, that the Intention of the Massachusetts, must have been to wage War for the Purpose of Independency.

The other Colonies having thought fit to justify their Proceedings, they are all now involved in the same Guilt.

And surely it would ill become the Spirit of Britons, to be inactive on their Part. Will any Man dare to say, that it is consistent with the Honour, or the interest of Great-Britain, to withdraw her Forces from America, and in sο doing prostrate herself at the Feet of the Congress? Shall Britain submit to Terms of Peace, dictated by Subjects in Arms against the established Government? The Contest, I well know, will cost this Country some Millions; but such a mercantile Consideration, will never induce her tamely to surrender her Rights.

I readily admit that the present War, is of all Wars the most unnatural. For that very Reason, the Americans should be the first to sue for Peace.

Can it be thought that Great-Britain, whose Government has been insulted, whose constitutional Supremacy is denied, whose Dominions have been invaded, will crouch to Subjects in Rebellion? Can Englishmen with to fee their Country so far degraded, as to make ignominious Concessions under such multiplied Instances of Provocation? Forbid it Heaven! The Eyes of all Europe are upon us; France and Spain would no Doubt be well pleased, that our patriotic Petitioners should gain their Point.

To behold a rival State disarmed, by the Partizans of a rebellious Congress, is quite consistent with their Policy, The Reason is obvious, from that very Moment the Colonies must cease to be dependent on Britain, and the Americans cease to be British Subjects.

Such, I am sorry to say, is the Nature of Opposition at this Time among us, that the Honour, the Welfare of England, is no longer regarded. Let her Annies perish with Famine and Disease; let her Government be trampled on by the very work of Men; let lawless Tyranny prevail in America, and the well-affected Subjects of Britain be perfected with the Severity of an Inquisition Although the whole Continent of America should be lost to the Parent State, if these Men can but enrich them-selves their Ends are accomplished. But I trust they will be foiled in their destructive Politics; the People of England, I mean the thinking Part, are too enlightened to be imposed on, by the Anti-Ministerial Jargon of designing Adventurers.

A Mile-End Meeting, a Globe-Tavern Αssciation, or the Purlieus of St. Giles's, Grub-street, and Drury, may join in the Cry of "Down with Old England, the "Congress for ever:" But the landed, and the commercial Interest of this Country, and all such as have honest Hearts and sound judgments, will reflect with Horror, and with Indignation, on the Conduct of Men, who for the Sake of Party Animosity? or of Vanity, or private Emolument, have plunged thousands into Want and Beggary, and are endeavouring to wrest from the Land of their Nativity. Possessions that have cost her immense Sums, and the Blood of her best Subjects.

How must the Conduct of the Champions of the Congress appear, when contrasted with that of a Generai Wolse, who nobly fought, and bravely died in the Service of Britain. These Men are as eager to level with the Dust the Dignity and the constitutional Rights of their Country, as that great Man was anxious for its Prosperity and for Victory, even in his dying Moments.

While the Dispute between thé Mother Country and the Colonies was altogether of a speculative Nature, it was natural enough for Britons to be divided in Opinion. If Taxation is to be included under the general Idea of Supremacy, or if it is more consistent with the Spirit of our Constitution of Government, to suppose the Necessity of Representation, as the Foundation of the Power of levying Taxes on the Colonies; these are Points, I do confess, that will afford much Latitude for Debate. I pretend not to intrude my Opinion in a dogmatical Manner. If the Right of Taxation is admitted over a free People not te presented, it should seem that a Security is necessary, on the other Hand, against the Abuse of that Right. But certain it is, that Contribution is due, in Return for Protection And Subjects are bound by the general Laws that unite Men in Society, to bear their due Proportion of Expence, in Consequence of such Protection.

ín the Course of these few Sheets it will appear, that Lord North has, by Means of his conciliatory Plan, endeavoured to remove every Objection founded on Jealousy, and the Suspicion of a too great Latitude of Power in the Parent State, I confess all Ministers are liable to eir; but to represent the Duty on Tea, as a Measure tending to enslave, is not the Effect of public Virtue, but of Malevolence and disappointed Ambition. That such a Measure should occasion a Rebellion, will be a lading Reflection on those that promoted it.

However we may dispute about Taxation, it still remains uncontroverted, that GreatBritain has a Right to demand a Supply from her Subjects in America. That Right is vested in the three Estates of the Realm. The Colonies are in Duty bound to furnish such Quotas for their own Protection and Defence, as their Circumstances will permit. The making an Offer to Parliament of what they can afford to give, was the obvious Meaning of the conciliatory Plan; nothing could be more equitable.

But such is the Nature of our Opposition, such the Temper of the violent Republicans in America that no Disposition has been shewn to treat at all on the Subject. The former are contending for Independency, the latter for Places of Trust and Profit; while the real lnterest of Britain and of America is Sacrificed by both.

The Encouragemement of Discontents in the Colonies has been, for some Years, the Ground of Oppusition in Britain, conducted by such Patriots as are regardless of evil Consequences to their Country, if they can but supplant a Minister. Wantonly to fly to Arms for the Purpose of Independency, is the Principle of the Republicans in America. Their Leaders are for the most Part necessitous Men, turbulent, seditious Spirits, blending a fanatical Zeal against the Church of England with their political Principles; fond of promoting Anarchy and Confusion, that they may avail themselves of a general Scramble, life into Consequence on the Shoulders of a Mob, and riot at the Expence of Millions.

Their pretended Friends in Britain, disappointed in their ambitious Projects, depend altogether on a Change of Ministers for the Support of their Extravagance.

It is not therefore to be wondered, that a Minister in England, while he Studies the Welfare of his Country, is exposed to the gieatest Difficulties. Venality and Disaffection are two Hydras, that are ever ready to tear him to Pieces, if he will not suffer them to prey on the Vitals of Old England.

Taxation is a noble Topic for Declamation: If a Clamour can be raised in Consequence, among the People of England and of America, it is hoped the Minister will be terrified—will resign—and then the Business is done; the glorious Task is compleated.

It would be uncharitable perhaps to entertain an Idea that Members of Parliament, that British Senators, would willingly promote a Rebellion for the Purpose of gratifying their Resentment or their Ambition.

Ά Quotation from Junius, the celebrated Junius, shall determine that Matter. No one will accuse Junius of being an Enemy to Lord Chatham or Lord Camden, Men who are now the professed Advocates of the Congress; and yet it unfortunately happens for those Gentlemen, that their much admired Junius expresses himself in the following Manner: "Mr. Grenville (the Minister) "was at any Rate to be distressed, because "he was Minister, and Mr. Pitt and Lord "Camden were to be the Patrons of Ame"rica, be...

Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Half Title Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents Page
• Acknowledgments Page
• Introduction (1776-1785) Page
• Chronology (1776-1785) Page
• Note on the Selection of Texts (1776-1785) Page
• Considerations on the American War, Addressed to the People of England (1776)
• Reflections on the Present State of the American War (1776)
• Independency the Object of the Congress in America, or, An Appeal to Facts (1776)
• The Nature, Extent, and Importance, of the Duty of Allegiance (1777)
• The Justice and Necessity of the War with our American Colonies Examined (1777)
• Reflections on our Present Critical Situation (1777)
• A Conciliation with America: Adapted to the Constitutional Rights of the Colonies and the Supremacy of Great Britain (1778)
• Editorial Notes