A Diplomatic Meeting

Reagan, Thatcher, and the Art of Summitry

James Cooper

• Publisher: The University Press of Kentucky
• Year: 2022
• ISBN:
  9780813154596
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: North American History
• Index: History

Drawing on a host of recently declassified documents from the Reagan-Thatcher years, A Diplomatic Meeting: Reagan, Thatcher, and the Art of Summitry provides an innovative framework for understanding the development and nature of the special relationship between British prime minister Margaret Thatcher and American president Ronald Reagan, who were known as "political soulmates." James Cooper boldly challenges the popular conflation of the leaders' platforms, and proposes that Reagan and Thatcher's summitry highlighted unique features of domestic policy in their respective countries. Summits, therefore, were a significant opportunity for the two world leaders to further their own domestic agendas. Cooper uses the relationship between Reagan and Thatcher to demonstrate that summitry politics transcended any distinction between foreign policy and domestic politics—a major objective of Reagan and Thatcher as they sought to consolidate power and implement their domestic economic programs in a parallel quest to reverse notions of their countries' "decline."

This unique and significant study about the making of the Reagan-Thatcher relationship uses their key meetings as an avenue to explore the fluidity between the domestic and international spheres, a perspective that is underappreciated in existing interpretations of the leaders' relationship and Anglo-American relations and, more broadly, in the field of international affairs.

1

Before Power, 1969–1980

Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan were determined to cultivate their transatlantic relationship and set out to do so before their respective election wins in 1979 and 1980. Given his previous career in Hollywood, Reagan sought to be viewed as a serious statesman, which had been a prerequisite in his efforts to secure the American presidency. Thatcher was determined to establish her credentials as a potential British prime minister, and a favorable reception in the United States was important. Both Reagan and Thatcher were outsiders even in their own parties. Reagan was seemingly too extreme to secure the Republican presidential nomination, particularly given his support for Senator Barry Goldwater’s (R-AZ) presidential campaign in 1964. Thatcher was viewed as a temporary political accident; her position was based on backbench support and was not really secure until her second general election victory in 1983. It was within this context that Reagan and Thatcher crossed the Atlantic Ocean before winning their respective positions in national office, and it was also the backdrop for their first meetings in 1975 and 1978. By achieving approval abroad, both Reagan and Thatcher hoped to enhance their own political standing at home. For instance, in his memoir, Reagan recalled that international relations were a key component of his time as governor of California, given that the state’s economy would be ranked as seventh in the world if California were an independent country. He remarked that he was able to gain experience in working with foreign leaders, which prepared him for the presidency.¹ Similarly, on returning from the United States in 1975—her first foreign expedition as Conservative Party leader—Thatcher told The Times that she had proven her credentials in foreign affairs.²

The 1970s marked a period of both British economic decline and a culmination in the decline of Anglo-American relations in global importance. Britain was preoccupied with domestic issues and had a relatively diminished role in international affairs. British relative decline was, in some respects, complemented by the self-doubt that gripped American political discourse following the Vietnam War, Watergate, rising energy prices, and the economic challenges posed by Japan and Germany.³ Regardless of Britain’s postimperial search for a global role, bilateral relations with the United States remained relatively close due to common interests, such as well-established security cooperation, as in intelligence and nuclear weapons. American and British politicians and officials sought a settlement in Rhodesia, and President Jimmy Carter (1977–1981) agreed to provide Britain with its next generation of nuclear weapons. Furthermore, James Callaghan (as prime minister, 1976–1979) prioritized Anglo-American relations over relations with European allies.⁴ Anglo-American relations were therefore still close, to some extent, before and regardless of Thatcher and Reagan’s friendship. The importance that both Reagan and Thatcher attached to Anglo-American summitry when in government was foreshadowed in their use of visits across the Atlantic as a means to solidify their political credibility. Thus, Reagan and Thatcher engaged with “shadow summitry” as a means to gain experience for future summits and as a means to solidify their political support and ambitions. While Thatcher was doing this under the guise of leader of the Opposition, Reagan mostly did so while representing California and the Nixon administration.

Reagan’s Rationale for Visiting Britain

Before 1980, Reagan was known in Britain as a former Hollywood actor who became a right-wing Republican governor of California (1967–1975) with unfulfilled presidential ambitions. Reagan was not taken seriously in Britain for either of his chosen professions. Yet Lou Cannon, a journalist who covered Reagan from the beginnings of his political career, has argued that after watching as a boy in Dixon, Illinois, Journey’s End, a British antiwar play, featuring the character Captain Stanhope, Reagan developed a long held and deep affinity for Britain.⁵ The play, set in the trenches, followed the experiences of a British army infantry company before the major German military offensive that commenced with Operation Michael and then the Spring Offensive in March 1918. In 1949 Reagan starred in The Hasty Heart, an Oscar-nominated Second World War drama, which was filmed in Britain. Twenty years later he returned to London in 1969 as governor. In the time between these visits Reagan underwent a political journey from the Democratic Party of President Franklin Roosevelt (1933–1945) to the Republican Party, specifically as a supporter of Goldwater’s conservative movement and presidential ambitions in 1964. Reagan’s political journey was marked by his work for television’s General Electric Theater when he toured the country, honing what became known as “The Speech,” which summarized his criticism of government economic intervention, higher taxation, and failure to stand firm against the Soviet Union.⁶ It was “The Speech” that formed the basis of Reagan’s national political debut in 1964. Reagan’s distrust of government and advocacy of tax cuts was therefore well established.⁷ However, Reagan’s credibility as a politician still required much work. His support for Goldwater and his 1964 “Time for Choosing” speech catapulted him into national politics, which ultimately led him to the governor’s mansion in California (1967–1975) and two failed attempts to win the American presidency in 1968 and 1976 before his successful presidential campaign in 1980. In 1968 Reagan came in third in the Republican primaries—albeit his campaign was part of a broader “stop Nixon” attempt—while in 1976 he nearly defeated the incumbent president, Gerald Ford (1974–1977), in the contest for the Republican nomination.⁸

Reagan visited Britain not just because of his Anglophile-inspired acting career or out of nostalgia for The Hasty Heart. His transatlantic visits must be placed in a broader political context. Transnational connections in ideas are not a new phenomenon and have been explored by multiple historians.⁹ But the transatlantic movement of politicians also warrants attention as politicians seek visits abroad to strengthen their credibility and claim for government at home. For instance, in recent times, American presidential candidates such as Barack Obama and Mitt Romney have sought to establish themselves as statesmen and thus credible presidential candidates by undertaking visits abroad to meet with significant political figures. Reagan’s expeditions echoed Nixon’s visits to Britain, first as a member of Congress in 1947, second as US vice president in 1958 (which included a meeting with Winston Churchill), and third in 1963 as a private citizen.¹⁰ Reagan’s international tours were partnered by other means to raise and maintain his profile. After leaving the governor’s mansion, and until 1979, Reagan gave speeches, wrote a regular newspaper column, and delivered over one thousand radio addresses, offering his views on current affairs.¹¹ The number of Californian and British press cuttings that Reagan’s office kept about coverage of his tours demonstrate their concern regarding how the governor was perceived at this time.¹² However, the extent of coverage by more “national” American newspapers appears to be far more limited, with, for instance, the New York Times failing to report Reagan’s tours as governor in 1969 and 1972 and as a private citizen in 1975 and 1978. Despite his efforts, Reagan’s expeditions were not always necessarily headline news.

1969: Reagan Visits Britain as Governor of California

In 1966, Reagan achieved what Richard Nixon had four years earlier been unable to do and defeated Pat Brown (D) to become California’s governor. In Reagan’s first term he set out to balance the California budget, which involved tax increases, and controversially confronted the student protest movement at the University of California, Berkeley, using the National Guard.¹³ In November 1969, on a visit to London to promote California’s trade with Britain, Reagan delivered a speech to the Institute of Directors (IOD), becoming the first American to do so. In his letter of invitation, Sir Derek Pritchard, the IOD president, promised Reagan that a speech ensured extensive publicity and status for him. Pritchard explained that the IOD had “around 50,000 members” and “its annual conference is probably the greatest platform for speaking to senior industrialists that exists in Europe today,” with “a great deal of press and TV coverage and publicity,” and despite holding “the conference in the largest hall in London (seating 5,500 people),” every year “the demand for tickets far outstrips the available accommodation and . . . the hall is full to capacity.”¹⁴ Further appealing to Reagan’s political ego, Pritchard added: “In the past we have had three British and one Australian Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition, the Chancellor of the Exchequer and H. R. H., the Duke of Edinburgh, so you will be in good company and we are all very delighted in anticipation of your formal acceptance.”¹⁵ As discussed below, Reagan took the bait and addressed the IOD.

Reagan had not arranged any formal meetings with British politicians, as his visit to London was purely to promote trade between Britain and California, specifically by addressing the IOD and the British National Export Council. Reagan did enjoy a dinner in his honor, hosted by US ambassador Walter H. Annenberg (but unfortunately it is unknown which British ministers, if any, attended).¹⁶ However, Reagan’s position as America’s most prominent right-wing Republican and record as governor ensured that his visit was political; as an aging former actor, Reagan was subject to much mockery and ridicule in the British press. Reporting on a confrontation with a former student from Berkeley on his arrival in the UK, the Daily Mirror simply did not present Reagan as a serious politician. The Mirror sarcastically noted that Reagan had “scintillating hair” and “shiny shoes.”¹⁷ For Berkeley students, Reagan had a history of controversy following violent antiwar and antiestablishment protests in 1969 on Berkeley’s campus, which prompted Reagan to utilize the California highway patrol and National Guard to restore order, albeit at the cost of injuries among students, reporters, and police, and the death of James Rector, a student who was not involved in the protests.¹⁸ The Mirror joked that Reagan was back in London, where he had made The Hasty Heart and was making a sequel, The Heated Exchange.¹⁹ Continuing the movie theme, the report went on, noting that Mike Smith, who was a former student at Berkeley, was appearing “opposite” the governor and shouted questions about cuts to the mental health budget in California. Reagan replied that the budget was actually at a record high for an individual patient. Smith simply called Reagan a liar, who in turn responded with a “grin” before leaving in a Jaguar.²⁰ Reagan’s domestic difficulties had followed him across the Atlantic.

Indeed, the British press reflected a cynicism toward Reagan and confusion about his political success. Writing in the Daily Sketch, Dermot Purgavie observed that Reagan still wore brilliantine in his hair, presented himself as a good and wholesome American who likely lived on peanut butter sandwiches and milk, and watched the western series, Bonanza.²¹ Geoffrey Moorhouse, writing in the Guardian, also mocked Reagan on the basis of his acting past but made a serious point about the governor’s ability to play the politician, observing his high level of creativity.²² Michael Brennan, writing in the Sun, identified the simplicity of Reagan’s message, which echoed his former career as a Hollywood cowboy, in which his message was a simplistic morality tale.²³ Brennan also identified Reagan’s political abilities and potential to become president of the United States.²⁴ At the press conference following his arrival, Reagan was inevitably asked about the Vietnam War. The governor used this as an opportunity to support Nixon’s policies. The Daily Mail and the International Herald Tribune, for example, reported Reagan’s warnings that a failure in Vietnam would be disastrous and lead to “a thousand years of darkness.”²⁵ Reagan’s support for Nixon was natural, given his position as a governor abroad, his political affiliation, and his established views about a Communist threat.

Drawing on his experience as governor of California, Reagan used the IOD platform to advocate the dangers of increasing government intervention in the social and economic life of a country....