First and foremost we want this book to be a practical guide. We want to show readers the real experiences of ethnographers conducting this type of research, particularly as a vast majority of contemporary texts centred on ethnographic work still present it as much âcleanerâ than our experiences would suggest. Elements such as gaining access, gathering data, or exiting the field are spoken about as straightforward once-and-for-all events, and it is rare to read of the complexities and dilemmas behind building relationships within communities. Rarer still are insights into feelings of vulnerability and anxiety from ethnographers, which at best obscures an important discussion, and at worst creates the image of ethnographers being all-knowing connoisseurs in the field; and emotionally grounded âideal-typeâ individuals. This, for newcomers and experienced fieldworkers alike, is problematic and provides the counterpoint for this book.
In this introductory chapter we set about outlining the core philosophy of this book, particularly focussing on the several key intersectional points that are weaved throughout each chapter. First, we discuss the importance of providing practical, real-life insight into undertaking ethnography, and moving beyond only theoretical understandings. Second, we introduce the concept of reflexivity and its central role in ethnography, as well as placing emphasis on the centrality of emotions. Finally, using examples from our chapters, we show how ethical questions are inherent in ethnography, and look to the future and what could be done in creating brave spaces to discuss our experiences of ethnography. Let us start on our adventure. First stop? Defining that elusive term.
Defining ethnography
In writing this introduction, we always knew that we would be forced to undertake the unenviable task of âdefiningâ ethnographic work. Ask any ethnographer to tell you what they do, and you will have a different answer. During our many editorial meetings, where the task was to discuss our esteemed colleaguesâ projects, we found ourselves exploring the similar and contrasting ways each author framed and understood the concept of ethnography. Interestingly, the main consistency came from the idea that ethnography is inherently pluralistic, and in this book you will not read about a âone best wayâ; no magic recipe; no bureaucratic steps to follow; no tick-list to complete. Instead, you will hear about a variety of different styles and forms that are inherently influenced by the context surrounding the project, by the community, by the researcher and by the overall aims. The joy of ethnographic work comes from the idiosyncratic and hyper-specific approaches that individuals have taken, but despite this delightful mixture, there is nevertheless still some value in us attempting to put our fingers on the similarities that underpin these approaches.
Let us start with some words that summarize the Greatest Hits of ethnography definitions â of it being understood as the âstudy of social interactions, behaviours and perceptions that occur within groups, teams and organisational communitiesâ (Reeves et al., 2008: 512). Whilst this doesnât quite capture the grit and peculiarity that you will be presented with in this book, it at least gives us a starting point in helping us understand that the task of ethnography is to longitudinally investigate some aspects of the lives of people within a particular community, regarding how they think, act, understand themselves and understand the world (Atkinson and Hammersley, 2007). To do this, ethnographers act as cartographers in creating interpretations and descriptions of human experience within that community â studying events, language, ritual, institutions, behaviours, artefacts and interactions. Cunliffe underscores the importance of context, culture, temporality and meaning-making here by noting:
Anthropologists, who are credited for the creation of ethnography as an indissoluble from participant observation, point towards its etymological root (áŒÎžÎœÎżÏ (ethnos), meaning âpeopleâ, ânationsâ, âgroup of peopleâ, and -graphy, meaning âwritingâ). Possibly the contemporary anthropologist who most reflected on ethnography as a writing practice has been Clifford Geertz, who asked and answered himself: âWhatâs does the ethnographer do?âŠ. [âŠ] writesâ (Geertz, 1974: 19). The analogy to considering ethnography as a literary genre, such as the novel or poetry, could be used to suggest that there is no single way of doing ethnography, just as there is no single way of writing poems or novels.
In fact, classical anthropological research has always recognized the production of two outputs: first, the ethnographies themselves, that is, the writings, testimonies, observations and all kinds of material produced in the field, classified or displayed as the ethnographer wants; second, the analysis of this material, based on the reflections of the ethnographer. The researcher becomes an ethnographer when he/she is in the field, and the literature on organizational ethnography emphasizes that what is experienced in the field must be translated into a coherent text. We quote in extension here to illustrate the point:
As we can see from these early points, we cannot define ethnography as a data collection method (as it is often confused for/as), but rather ethnography is itself the methodology; conceived of as an approach; a way of imagining the social; our relationship with others practices and the way we inquire about it (Gaggiotti et al., 2017), but also the artefact that we produce when experiencing the field. The most common âmethodâ within ethnographic work would be participant observation, which involves âbeing thereâ in organizations, hanging out in order to âobserve, to ask seemingly stupid yet insightful questions, and to write down what is seen and heardâ (Fetterman, 2010: 9). Throughout this, ethnographers âattempt to understand phenomena through accessing the meanings participants assign to themâ (Orlikowski and Baroudi, 1991: 98â99). All in all, the intention of participant observation is to get a much richer picture than other approaches might allow for, and throughout this book you will read about the varied experiences of the authors and their encounters, observations, triumphs and challenges when engaged in participant observation settings.
Through this move towards the ethnographic methodology, we see an epistemological and ontological shift. In the case of the former, researchers eschew the search for âobjectivityâ and instead âpractice a reflexive way of knowing the world [they] inhabit in relation to [âŠ] othersâ (Hussey, 2002: 45). Emphasis is placed on relativism and subjectivity, where knowledge (from participants and researchers) is understood as socially organized and constructed, and as a product of specific social, cultural and political environments (Doucet and Mauthner, 2004). Regarding the ontological shift, rather than understanding reality through abstract, generalized and universalistic explanations, researchers instead turn to the âconcrete, sensuous world of peoplesâ actual practices and activitiesâ (Hussey, 2002: 634) and attempt to understand these specific experiences. In this book, we do not intend to show how ethnography creates generalizable, valid, or âtrueâ knowledge; instead, we embrace the subjectivity. We appreciate Gherardiâs (2018) thoughtful insight into ethnographic research that she describes as âaffective ethnographyâ â ethnography that is performative in style and relies on the researcherâs capacity to affect and be affected in order to produce interpretations that may transform the things that they interpret. This understanding of ethnography moves beyond only understanding what it is that people do but acknowledges a vast array of experiences in the field of both the researcher and the researched. This approach stresses that elements such as texts, actors, materialities, language and agencies are already entangled in complex ways and that they should be read in their intra-actions, through one another, as data in motion/data that move.
Whilst not wishing to enter the murky realm of generating our own quick two-sentence definition, this section has helped to clarify some of the key elements of ethnographic work as you will read about in this book: it being an approach rather than a method, as a way of doing and writing, focused on understanding people, and as something that is inherently subjective that the ethnographer is inexorably weaved within. Putting the magnifying glass on this final point is important, because what you will discover in this book are tales from several ethnographers about their experiences of doing ethnographic work â how they planned their projects, how they experienced fieldwork and how they approached the task of leaving, writing up and discussing their discoveries. Whilst there are a plurality of different voices, perspectives and experiences on display, there are a number of intersectional discussion points that are raised throughout which are essential for our contemporary framing and understanding of ethnographic projects, and will offer you an opportunity to reflect on your own experience. In the remainder of this chapter we will outline some key discussion points that will regularly be returned to throughout the chapters.