Over the last few decades, both the number of Muslims living in Western societies and the percentage of the population they comprise have grown exponentially. The Muslim population in Europe is growing rapidly, and it is projected that Muslims will comprise 10 per cent of the European population by 2050 (Pew Research Centre, 2017). Muslims made up 4.9 per cent of Europeās population in 2016, with large proportions concentrated in young age groups (Pew Research Centre, 2017).
The increasing migration of Muslims to Western countries and the growth of the Muslim population in these societies, combined with the continuing impacts of extremist groups that commit acts of violence in the name of Islam, have brought Muslims and their faith to the forefront of political debate. Despite this increased attention, Muslims and their religion are often not well understood, particularly in the context of Western societies.
Muslim youth in Western countries
Islam is the second largest and fastest-growing religion in the world, with more than a fifth of all Muslims (23.3 per cent) living in non-Muslim-majority countries in the developing world, and around 3 per cent living in developed regions and countries such as Europe, United Kingdom, United States, Canada, and Australia (Pew Research Centre, 2011).
Although Islamic communities are diverse in terms of ethnic origin, there is evidence that religious identity is particularly salient for Muslim immigrants. For example, studies in the United Kingdom have shown that religion is important to self-identity for a higher proportion of young Muslims than youth in other ethnic minority groups (Modood et al., 1997; OāBeirne, 2004; Robinson, 2009). Muslim youth are much more likely than members of other religious groups to consider religion important in their lives, to view religion as a source of meaning, and to practise their religion.
Muslim populations and, in particular, Muslim youth face a unique set of challenges related to cultural identity and acculturation. Because of perceived discrimination and frequent identity issues, they are often considered at risk for radicalisation. In the face of these global demographic changes, there is evidence to suggest that Muslim immigrant young adults living in Western societies are struggling to achieve positive adaptation and that these difficulties transcend national boundaries (Kabir, 2008, 2010: Sirin & Fine, 2007).
As Muslim populations in the West grow, and these communities face increasing acculturative challenges, it is important to understand the commonalities and differences in their experiences to identify contextual factors that promote or diminish positive adaptation. Combined with issues of acculturation and identity, Muslim youth today operate within a landscape of discrimination and the ignorance of many about their culture and religion. The perception of Muslims in Western countries has been influenced by 9/11 and other attacks, including the London, Paris, and Madrid attacks and the formation of ISIS (Islamic State). Mainstream media and social media together have fuelled the construction of Islam as a political problem and Muslims as a social issue (Morey & Yaqin 2011). The role of contemporary media in the construction of Muslims as āothersā is undeniable.
Why is this book needed now?
Due to increased attention to issues of acculturation, discrimination, and the attitudes of both Muslims and other people in the countries in which they live, a thorough examination of issues related to radicalisation and extremism is especially important and timely. Governmentsā strategies to contain and suppress radicalisation and the violence associated with it have further exacerbated the issue and its associated social tensions. From recent events, it is clear that merely addressing symptoms in the aftermath of instances of violent extremism through punishing, criminalising, and spreading fear does not work and instead encourages an atmosphere of hatred and distrust. This warrants a pivotal shift in how counter-terrorism programmes aimed at prevention are carried out.
This book explores the radicalisation and extremist views and actions of Muslim youth and implications for social work practice in the following Western countries: Australia, United Kingdom, United States, Canada, France, Germany, Finland, Denmark, Sweden, Netherlands, and Norway. It also explores the cultural identity, acculturation, and perceived discrimination of Muslim youth in these countries. It is important to bear in mind that when seeking to understand the actions of a small minority of radicalised Muslim youth, generalising to the Muslim population as a whole and constructing this population as problematic concerning radicalisation and extremism should be avoided.
Although post 9/11 there has been an increase in publications on Islam and Muslims, there is a dearth of research and publications on radicalisation, extremism, and social work practice with Muslim youth in Western countries. This book fills this gap in the existing literature by providing an international perspective on Muslim youth in Western countries and addressing the resurgence of radical and extremist organisations and individuals within Muslim communities in Western countries. Further, it examines key debates on radicalisation, extremism, Islamophobia, and social work practice with Muslim youth living in Western countries.
The contributors draw on relevant theoretical frameworks and research to examine radicalisation and extremism among some Muslim youth and discuss the implications for social work practice with Muslim youth in their respective countries. However, a few of the contributors ā from the United Kingdom, the Scandinavian countries, and, to some extent, Germany ā are attempting to critically assess government and community-based preventive health measures and discuss the implications for social work practice. For example, the integrated and multi-agency policy of the National Health Service in the United Kingdom appoints social work as the lead agency for handling radicalisation/extremism. Social services collaborate with public health on policy and practice research that covers social and health-care considerations. Bellis, Hardcastle, and Middleton (2019) discussed how both interpersonal and structural factors may influence risk factors for violent extremism, and noted that a broader approach is needed to tackle violent extremism. Horton (2019) recommended in the Lancet that āsuch an approach requires urgent engagement from health systemsā (p. 1188).
Most of the chapters that comprise this book are jointly written by academics and social workers, and all discuss radicalisation, extremism, and social work practice with Muslim youth.
Radicalisation and extremism
Before taking a deeper dive into the radicalisation and extremism of Muslim youth and their effects in Western societies, it is critical to define both radicalisation and extremism, given the range of meanings held in different settings across the countries discussed in this book. While the countries share the same broad definition of radicalisation, there are slight differences in the wording each uses. The European Commission defines radicalisation as the āphenomenon of people embracing opinions, views and ideas which could lead to acts of terrorismā (European Commission, 2016). Radicalisation is frequently described as the conversion and dedication to a belief system that is in opposition to the mainstream ideology in place in society (New South Wales Parliamentary Research Service, 2016). In this context, the mainstream ideology in question is essentially Western culture, the globalised neoliberal economy, and growing intolerance toward minority groups (Hassan, 2003). Typically, Islamic radicalisation is of concern when adherents use violence to rebel against the values or ways of life of the societies they are targeting (Abrahamsen & Williams, 2011), with the lines between radicalisation and extremism continually blurred within and across countries.
Other scholars have more precisely defined radicalisation and objectively investigated what factors drive the radicalisation process (Dornhof, 2009; Huq, 2010; Githens-Mazer & Lambert, 2010; Patel and Brennan Center for Justice, 2011; Sedgwick, 2010). These scholars frequently see the concept of radicalisation as a vehicle for policy makers to provide an analytical grounding for preventive strategies that move beyond the initial brute shows of force and detention that were seen in the early 2000s after the first waves of Western-based terrorism (Kundnani, 2012).
Younes, Hassan & Azmi (2020) conducted a pragmatic detailed analysis of Islam-related terminologies in selected Eastern and Western media and found that definitions, content, and construction of articles can influence whether an audience perceives Islam in a negative way and as a religion of terrorism. This influence extends to mass media, particularly news coverage of primary prevention and relevant strategies for minority ethnic communities. The actions of right- and left-wing organisations targeted at specific communities (e.g. Muslims) are disseminating prejudiced, often hate-filled information on social media that includes messages of discrimination, racism, and religious bigotry (Open Society Foundation, 2019).
There are varying perspectives on the causes of terrorism and violence stemming from radical beliefs and extremism (Coleman & Bartoli, 2009). The academic discussion regarding the radicalisation/extremism of Muslim youth in Western countries has so far been somewhat fragmented and short-sighted (Brown & Saeed, 2015; Mcdonald, 2011). Many scholars and practitioners feel extremism is the result of the perversion of Islam (Walzer, 2015). Indeed, the media and criminal justice system often consider the subject from a perspective that reinforces Western prejudices and stereotypes of Islamic culture (Frings et al., 2018; Nurullah, 2010). Many of the officially sanctioned narratives surrounding extremism posit that it is based on a perversion of religion, turning beliefs and culture into a totalitarian political ideology (Emilsen, 2012). These narratives by Western media are focused on why a very small portion of individuals support an extremist interpretation of Islam that leads to violence and why an even smaller portion are spurred to engage in violent terrorist acts (Sian, Law, and Sayyid, 2012).
Much of the existing research, particularly from government agencies in Western countries, has been focused on whether individual or group psychological factors can be used to predict who will commit acts of terrorism (Victoroff, 2005). Accordingly, many narratives of radicalisation/extremism disregard the range of deeper structural ca...