Cypriot Cultural Details

Proceedings of the 10th Annual Meeting of Young Researchers in Cypriot Archaeology

Iosif Hadjikyriako, Mia Gaia Trentin, Mia Gaia Trentin

• Publisher: Oxbow Books
• Year: 2015
• eBook ISBN: 9781785700675
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Archaeology
• Index: Social Sciences

There are countless references to Cyprus in Venice: in palaces, primarily that of Queen Caterina Corner, in the church of Saints Giovanni e Paolo, where the skin of Mark Antonius Bragadin (the staunch defender of Famagusta) is guarded, in the spices, and especially in the wine of Cyprus (Commandaria), that is today still recalled in Venetian sayings. The Venetian past, too, has many references in Cyprus where evidence is focused on the fortresses and fortifications of Nicosia, Famagusta and Kerynia and in the lions that adorn them as well as in traditional dishes and language. The papers presented here have been selected from 30 given at the 10th Annual Meeting of young researchers in Cypriot archaeology (POCA 10), held in Venice where it celebrated two important events: the 500th anniversary of the death of Caterina Cornaro (1454–1510) and the twinning of the cities of Venice and Larnaca. Papers cover a wide range of subjects reflecting the many centuries of trade in products (especially textiles) and the cultural exchange in ideas, religious practices and people between the island and City at various times from prehistory to the Ottoman period. Archaeological and historical data are brought together to showcase recent research.

LANDSCAPE AND URBAN ORGANIZATION

Tracing Hellenistic Salamis

Dimitris Vitas

Salamis was one the most important cities of ancient Cyprus with a long history of almost 18 centuries. Within this long period the city passed through many phases of flourishing and decline. In my opinion, the most interesting period of these many years was that of the Hellenistic, as it was the transition between the glorious Classical city of Evagoras I and the monumental city of the Roman era.

Our knowledge for that period, however, is totally obscured due to many reasons. The most important is the history of the city itself, extending from the 11th century BC to the 7th century AD. Through all these centuries, Salamis underwent many construction and reconfiguration phases and for that reason trying to locate Hellenistic remains within a chronological spectrum of 18 centuries, is very difficult. Another reason is the short period of just 22 years, of organized archaeological research at the site of Salamis that was interrupted abruptly in the summer of 1974, due to the invasion of the Turkish military forces in Cyprus and the occupation of the northern part of the island. During this period the interest of the excavators was focused upon the necropolis of the city, as well as by the Roman and Byzantine monuments that came to light, leaving the lower Hellenistic and Classical layers uninvestigated.

Salamis was founded on the eastern shore of Cyprus, just north of the estuary of Pediaios River (Fig. 1). According to legend, it was built by Teukros, son of the mythical king of Salamis in Attica, Telamon (Chavane & Yon 1978, nos 106–128). Actually, the city was founded in the middle of the 11th century BC by the inhabitants of the Late Bronze Age town of Enkomi, who moved seawards, probably due to the siltation of the navigable estuary of Pediaios river. The initial town occupied just a small area on the top of a small plateau that rises some meters north of the riverbank of Pediaios (Fig. 2). Part of the city-wall which was discovered on the slope of this small plateau, at a height of about 7 meters, belongs to that era (Karageorhis 1966, 348; Karageorghis 1967a, 325; Karageorghis 1969, 544–546; 1970a, 268–269; Jehasse, L. 1978, 1–2; Pouilloux 1969, 45–46; Jehasse J. 1980, 147–152). A defensive bastion, a few metres SW of the wall (Karageorghis 1967a, 325–326; Karageorghis 1969, 541–544; Karageorghis 1970a, 268–269; Jehasse L. 1978, 2; Pouilloux 1969, 46–47; Jehasse J. 1980, 151–152), as well as a sanctuary that was constructed just behind the city-wall (Karageorhis 1974, 879–881), dedicated probably to the cult of the Great God, judging by the discovery of many votive statuettes depicting bulls and small busts of bull-heads¹ (Calvet 1976, 143–151), belong to that era too. A few trenches opened west and north of the sanctuary (Karageorghis 1966, 347–348; Karageorhis 1968, 326–327; Karageorghis 1971, 396–397; Pouilloux 1969, 43–45) revealed architectural remains (parts of floors and walls) probably belong to houses that existed around the sanctuary.

The main reason that dictated the founding of Salamis was the need for a port. That means that the city from the beginning, provided some port facilities constructed in the estuary of Pediaios river, probably below the aforementioned sanctuary.² In that case, the initial town of Salamis besides the plateau, probably occupied a small area around its harbour, next to the riverbank of Pediaios.

The Archaic Salamis developed upon the city of the 11th century; the city-wall was kept in use from the 11th to the 6th century BC and so did the sanctuary. However, during this period Salamis became one of the most important Cypriot cities. The reign of Euelthon (mid-6th century BC) was a period of flourishing growth. He was the first Cypriot king that issued coins in Cyprus, while his reputation expanded beyond the island. Herodotus (IV, 162) mentions that Euelthon offered a censer to the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi. Within the same passage, the historian mentions as well, the incident with Pheretime, queen of Cyrene, who asked help from the Salaminian king in order to restore her authority in her country. Herodotus’ passage is clear evidence of Euelthon’s “international” reputation. So, it is clear enough that under his reign, Salamis became well-known in the eastern Mediterranean, and that it developed and expanded, but it is impossible to say to what degree, due to the limited archaeological investigation. The excavation of the necropolis of Salamis (Fig. 3), that extended west of the city (Karageorghis 1967b, 1970b, 1973–1974, 1978), provides a clear indication of the development and flourishing of the city during the Archaic period.

By the close of the Archaic period, Salamis overcame the other Cypriot cities in wealth and power. Unfortunately, the image of the Classical city remain unknown from archaeological point of view, since the excavations that brought to light constructions of the 11th century, as well as of the Archaic city, did not reveal the Classical layers. The absence, therefore, of the stratigraphical sequence means that the city of the Classical era moved slightly to another direction, probably towards the harbour. The most probable location for the city’s initial harbour was the gulf of the estuary of Pediaios river, where some port installations have been detected (Flemming 1974, 169–170; Theodoulou 2006, 194) (Fig. 4). Moreover, R. Pococke, an English prelate and anthropologist of the 18th century, well known for his travel writings and diaries, on the map of Salamis that he drew, located the harbour of the city in the estuary of Pediaios, in a small gulf formed on the northern bank (Fig. 5). However, it’s quite difficult to have a clear image of this harbour due to major siltation problems caused by the deposits of the river and to alteration of the shoreline. So, if the harbour was truly located at that point and the city developed around it, then we must assume that Classical Salamis located between the riverbank of Pediaios and the slope of the small plateau.

Figure 1: Salamis’ location within the island of Cyprus (Yon 1980a, Pl. II).

A clue for the harbour of Salamnis comes from an extremely interesting monument found in Kition. Actually, it is a stone base of a victory trophy, which bears a long inscription in Phoenician, dating from the beginning of the 4th century BC (Yon and Sznycer 1992, 157–165). This trophy, according to the inscription, was dedicated by the king of Kition, Milkyaton, to the god Ba‘al-Oz, for the naval victory he won over his enemies and their allies, the Paphians. Undoubtedly, the enemies of Milkyaton, during this period, were the Salaminians and their king Evagoras I, as attested by Diodoros (XIV, 98.1–2). So, the conclusion that is derived from this inscription is that Salamis at the beginning of the 4th century BC deployed a military fleet, which, in the topography of the city, implies the existence of a military port equipped with neosoikoi and probably a shipyard.

Another building of Classical Salamis was probably a sanctuary dedicated to a goddess of nature and fertility (Aphrodite or Artemis, the Hellenised version of the Great Goddess). The presence of such a building is suggested by a mass of terracotta figurines, depicting a female deity, dated between 5th and 4th century BC (Karageorghis 1967a, 325–326; Karageorghis 1969, 543; Pouilloux 1969, 47; Monloup 1994), and the discovery nearby of architectural remains of an ionic building (Karageorghis 1969, 542). As for the location of the building, judging by the area where the figurines were found (c. 10 m SE of the defensive bastion), it should have stood NW of the city-wall of the Geometric and Archaic period.

Another deity worshiped in Classical Salamis was Zeus, who replaced the cult of the Great God, the most important deity of the town in the preceding periods. This religious succession occurred probably by the end of the 5th century BC, during the reign of Evagoras I (411–374/3 BC), the king who followed the most hellenocentric policy and tried to point out the divine origin of the Teukrides’ dynasty, considered to be Zeus’ descendants. Through the Cypriot discourses of Isocrates this effort is quite clear (Isocrates, Evagoras, 12–18, Nicocles, 26–28, 42). Moreover, another point that is worth mentioning is that after the sea fight of Knidos, where the Athenian fleet destroyed the fleet of the Spartans, with Evagoras’ assistance, the Athenians honoured the Salaminian king by erecting his statue next to the statue of Zeus Saviour in the Basilike Stoa of Athens (Isocrates, Evagoras, 57; Pausanias, I, 3.2).

All the above is clear evidence that during Evagoras’ I reign, the cult of Zeus became extremely important for the city and probably during that period his cult replaced that of Great God. This means that either Zeus worshiped in the sanctuary of the Great God or a new one built for the city’s new cult; however, the location of this sanctuary is not quite clear. ...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Preface
• Production, Trade and Identity
• Artifacts and Decorations
• Landscape and Urban Organization
• Cypriot Society