Al Muhajiroun

A Case Study in Contemporary Islamic Activism

Douglas Weeks

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2020
• Print ISBN:
  9783030358396
• eBook ISBN:
  9783030358402
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: National Security
• Index: Politics & International Relations

Grounded in nine years of ethnographic research on the al Muhajiroun/Ahlus Sunnah Wal Jamaah movement (ALM/ASWJ), Douglas Weeks mixes ethnography and traditional research methods to tell the complete story of al Muhajiroun. Beginning with three core events that became a primer for radical Islamic political thought in the UK, Al Muhajiroun, A Case Study in Islamic Activism traces the development of the movement form its incipient beginnings to its current status. Based on his extensive interaction with the group and its leaders, Weeks contextualizes the history, beliefs, methods, and differences between ALM/ASWJ, al Qaeda, and the Islamic State so that the group and the threat it poses is comprehensively understood. 

© The Author(s) 2020

D. WeeksAl Muhajirounhttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-35840-2_1

Begin Abstract

1. Researching the Activists: Understanding Methods, Data, and Approaches

Douglas Weeks¹

(1)

School of Criminology, Criminal Justice and Emergency Management, California State University, Long Beach, Long Beach, CA, USA

Douglas Weeks

End Abstract

Introduction

Fig. 1.1

Omar Bakri Mohammed in his living room. Tripoli, Lebanon, April 2012. (Photograph by Douglas Weeks)

The contemporary world is obsessed with the images of conflict and especially with those of terrorism. Whether the threat originates from a radicalized Islamist group or a radicalized white nationalist, seemingly not a day passes without some reporting of an individual or group advocating that radical change is needed. Unfortunately, all too often that message is underscored by the violence of an actual attack. In response, governments have gone on the offensive. Police led counter-terrorism raids, military operations in foreign countries, more stringent border checks, and significant increases in digital monitoring are now common practice.

The threat is further solidified through the media and government, who bombard us with the idea that additional security measures are needed because there are radicalized individuals within and outside our borders with ill intent. Ingrained in that reporting is the notion that ‘we’ collectively represent ‘civil society’ and those that are arrested or commit the atrocities are the ‘terrorists.’

Although the pejorative labeling of radicals, extremists, and terrorists has many purposes, understanding why such individuals and groups think the way they think, and do the things they do is important. Groups and movements vary widely and although government and academics conveniently label them as Salafi jihadist, white nationalist, eco-terrorist, or any number of other categories, effective management of such groups requires a more thorough understanding. When groups are shoehorned into pre-conceived categories without a comprehensive understanding, ineffective policy results. In some instances, that can even undermine the very security that government is attempting to provide.

In the United Kingdom (UK), one of the largest sources of terrorist threat is believed to come from al Muhajiroun (ALM ).¹ Although ALM (The Emigrants) no longer exists, those that continue to follow its ideology represent the most enduring and publicly recognized radicalized Islamic extremist group in the country. Their message is confrontational, ultra conservative, and rooted in conservative Salafi based Islam. They have revered individuals like Osama bin Laden (OBL) and Anwar Awlaki, called the UK and US Governments terrorists, and openly promoted the Khilafah (Caliphate)² system of governance.

Many of its followers, including key leaders, have been linked and/or convicted and imprisoned for a wide range of offenses. Those convictions, the group’s open support for other radical groups, and other criminal cases that directly or indirectly ‘link’ back to the group led the UK Government to conclude that it is an organization involved in terrorism and take punitive action. Despite significant efforts to suppress the group, government efforts have had limited effect.

Following the Islamic State’s (IS) declaration that the Caliphate had been re-established in 2014, the group was buzzing, and the UK Government concluded that ALM was ‘re-energized in the UK.’³

In 2016, two of the group’s key leaders, Anjem Choudary and Mizanur Rahman were convicted for lending support to the IS and both received 5½ year prison sentences. As is customary in the UK, they were released in October 2018 to serve out the remainder of their time on license. Many have since concluded that they are reconstituting their activities.

Despite gaining significant attention by government, academics, and the media, much of what has been written about the group is derived from limited access, secondary sources, or drawing conclusions based on piecemealing bits of information together. The result is that much of what is known about the group is not actually correct and/or fails to appropriately contextualize the group’s history, beliefs, practices, methods, and threat in a way that facilitates a comprehensive understanding and effective management.

This book provides a more thorough understanding about the group and corrects much of the misinformation that exists. It charts its historical development, delves deeply into the group’s ideology, provides a comprehensive understanding of its ideological relationship with groups like al Qaeda (AQ) and the IS, explains why so many of its followers immigrated to the IS, and provides a realistic threat assessment. In doing so, it corrects fundamental attribution errors that currently exist such as: because the group subscribes to a jihadi Salafist ideology, they have the same beliefs as AQ or the IS; that the group remains as a clandestine organization and has simply created spin off groups to avoid government suppression; that the goal of the group is to turn Britain into a Muslim country; that group leaders encouraged those within the movement to emigrate to the IS; that the group is responsible for the vast majority of terror activity in the UK and abroad; or that the group headed a vast network of extremist groups across Europe, just to name a few. What follows is based on 9 years of ethnographic research and close personalized interaction with those within the group.

My research began in 2010 by making several exploratory trips to London to establish key contacts.⁴ Although I had been doing background research and tuning into the nightly Paltalk sessions for some time, on 06 May 2011, I attended the first of what would eventually amount to 29 protests over the years. As I approached, from more than a block away I could hear shouts of Takbir! followed by the group’s response of Allah hu Akbar.⁵ When I rounded the corner, I saw a seen that I would see repeated many times; approximately 200 Muslim protesters holding signs saying “Islam will dominate the world,” “Jihad to defend the Muslims,” and “Injustice has been done- Imprisoned for no crime- Aafia Siddique.”⁶ Opposite the activists was a group of approximately 75 English Defense League (EDL) members shouting “E…D…E.D.L, E…D…E.D.L,” with approximately 75 police in ‘high viz’ jackets keeping the two apart.

At the conclusion of the protest, the police escorted the activists back to Marble Arch tube station and I joined the procession at the rear. Despite the police escort the EDL were close behind in hot pursuit. At one intersection a woman yelled out the window of a passing bus ‘Terrorists!’ and when the traffic disrupted some of the police presence at the rear of the procession, several of the EDL charged the activists only to be thrown to the ground by the police and handcuffed.⁷ The years since have been an enduring journey of close personal interaction with the activists and their families.

To facilitate my research, I moved from southern California to London to be close to the activists. Although I interacted with activists from Luton, Leeds, Birmingham, Stoke on Trent, and other cities around the country, the majority of my interaction took place in London. The reason for that is because most of the group’s leaders were based in east or north London and that is where regular halaqah (study) sessions took place. For convenience and ease of access, I rented a flat in the Isle of Dogs (a small island immediately below Canary Wharf in east London). Logistically, it was the perfect location. I was within walking distance of the halaqah sessions, could attend the protests, and was readily available when impromptu meetings took place.

During my years of interaction with the group, I engaged with the entire spectrum of activists; from the newest potential followers to the group’s leaders. In doing so, it gave me the opportunity to comprehensively understand the group, why people became activists, why they left, what their ideology was, what their goals were, what the methodology was, what caused internal conflict, and how they continually ‘adjusted’ to suppression by the authorities.

Although interacting with a wide range of individuals facilitated a comprehensive understanding, my primary interest has always been to engage with gro...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Front Matter
• 1. Researching the Activists: Understanding Methods, Data, and Approaches
• 2. The Vanguards of Radicalism in the UK
• 3. Al Muhajiroun: The Early Days (1996–2004)
• 4. The Ideology of Al Muhajiroun
• 5. The Post Al Muhajiroun Years (2005–2014): Proscription and Other Means of Deterrence
• 6. The Impacts of the Islamic State and Strategies of Control
• 7. Comparing Ideologies: Al Muhajiroun, Al Qaeda, and Islamic State
• 8. Understanding and Managing the Threat
• 9. Conclusion: Summing up the Activists
• Back Matter