Under Xi Jinpingâs leadership, China has put forward a series of foreign policy conceptsâmost notably âNew Type of Great Power Relationsâ, âBelt and Road Initiativeâ and âCommunity of Shared Future for Mankindâ. Generally speaking, they represent Chinaâs visions for ChinaâUnited States (US) relations, globalization and a globalized world, respectively. This book studies these three concepts. Many international analysts interpret these concepts as Beijingâs calculated strategic moves to build a Sino-centric world order. In the relevant analyses, these concepts are often considered as coherent, consistent strategic plans, reflecting Beijingâs or Xi Jinpingâs concrete geopolitical visions. The relevant arguments assume that Chinaâs highly centralized authoritarian system can be easily mobilized to achieve Beijingâs or Xi Jinpingâs geopolitical goals. Interestingly, while not directly responding to their international counterparts, similar arguments are made within China. Some Chinese academic and media analysts interpret those concepts as part of the Chinese Communist Partyâs (CCP) strategy to lead Chinaâs national rejuvenation. They are âtop-level designedâ products of the central government or the top leader, so, the argument goes, those diplomatic concepts reflect the wisdom of Chinese leaders to make China great again.
This book, however, argues that the above views are mistaken. It develops a slogan politics approach to study Chinese foreign policy concepts. The main argument is that those Chinese foreign policy concepts should be understood as political slogans rather than concrete strategic plans. In this book, slogans refer to short and striking political phrases used âas a means of focusing attention and exhorting to actionâ (Urdang and Robbins 1984: 17). The use of political slogans has a long history in China. This book argues that political slogans are not completely empty or rhetorical, but have several major functions in political communication: (1) declarations of intent, (2) power assertion and a test of domestic and international support, (3) state propaganda as a means of mass persuasion, and (4) a call for intellectual support.
The primary function of a foreign policy concept is to serve as a slogan to declare intention in order to attract attention and urge to action. Many international analyses focus on this part and tend to over-interpret the strategic rationale of those Chinese concepts, considering them as coherent, well-thought-out strategic plans. However, the nature of slogans decides that they are short political phrases and thus broad and vague ideas. As this book will show, when âNew Type of Great Power Relationsâ, âBelt and Road Initiativeâ and âCommunity of Shared Future for Mankindâ were put forward by Xi Jinping, they were very vague ideas that lacked clear definition or blueprint. The process of filling those ideas with meanings often occurred in a subsequent and incremental manner (Zeng, Xiao, and Breslin 2015). Their introduction and subsequent development follow a âsoftâ opening approach. As Ian Johnson describes, they are not âenvisioned and planned thoroughly, then completed according to that designâ, as many see in the West (Johnson 2017: 79). Rather, they âare first announced to big fanfare, structures erected as declarations of intent, and only then filled with contentâ (Johnson 2017: 79).
When it comes to signature concepts, this declaration of intent signals two levels of power relations: (a) personal vision of the top leader and (b) Chinaâs vision as a regional (if not global) leader. In this regard, the introduction of the concept is not only about communicating the vision but also about its attached power relations. In other words, it is much more than a declaration of intent. This brings in the second function of slogans: assert power and test support. When a critical slogan is put forward by a top leader, it does not only signal his vision but also expects to establish his personal authority. For example, in the first few years when a new leader takes power, he will introduce new slogans to signal his own leadership vision, representing a gesture of walking out from the shadow of his predecessors and thus asserting his power.
In this regard, domestic actorsâ response to this slogan does not only represent their feedback to the vision but also political support to this leader. The leader expects domestic actors to echo his slogan in written and oral forms to demonstrate their loyalty. In other words, slogan politics sometimes contains a component of loyalty testing and thus is related to factional and elite politics. Despite foreign policy slogans being mainly external facing, signature ones including âNew Type of Great Power Relationsâ, âBelt and Road Initiativeâ and âCommunity of Shared Future for Mankindâ perform a similar function of loyalty testing in the domestic arena, in which political actors are expected to repeat those slogans in written and oral forms in order to signal loyalties to the âownerâ of those slogans, i.e. Xi Jinping. This sloganization of policy concepts associates the outcome of the concepts with Xi and thus makes them Xiâs political legacy, defining his character and leadership for better or for worse.
In the global arena, Chinese slogans also function in similar ways. Key foreign policy concepts function as slogans to signal not only Chinaâs new vision but also their implied power relations; in other words, the latter is a political gesture to assert Chinaâs regional (if not global) leadership. Many in China believe that only when China becomes powerful enough will its ideas receive global attention.1 This is also about agenda-setting power that is usually owned by great powers on the global stage. Clearly, if China is insignificant, its ideas are less likely to draw global attention and hence there will be mild or no response to its slogans. Thus, the Chinese government highly welcomes international actors to repeat and adopt those concepts in their speeches and writings, and such actions are often perceived as not only support to the concepts per se but also acknowledgment of Chinaâs rising global status if not leadership. In short, the introduction of those concepts is an assertion of Chinaâs power and functions like a radar to discern international support to China. Thus, the concept and its declared intention are sometimes deliberately kept vague to accommodate the interests of the relevant stakeholders in order to maximize their support.
A positive global response to Chinese slogans would be translated into convincing materials for domestic propaganda, which links with the third function of slogans: state propaganda as a means of mass persuasion. In the Chinese domestic arena, enthusiastic global response can be easily interpreted as evidence of Chinaâs rising global significance and leadership. It helps to enrich the propaganda narrative about the revival of China brought about by the CCP leadership. The message is quite powerful when linking it with Chinaâs historical education of âcentury of humiliationâ in which the weak Qing dynasty let China be invaded and humiliated by Western powers, and now the CCP has led China on the trajectory of national rejuvenation and back to its ârightfulâ position in the world.
In other words, the positive global response to Chinese slogans provides concrete examples to support the CCPâs narratives about Chinaâs national rejuvenation and thus significantly enhances its domestic political legitimacy. Though performing differently, these three Chinese concepts that this book examinesââNew Type of Great Power Relationsâ, âBelt and Road Initiativeâ and âCommunity of Shared Future for Mankindââhave attracted considerable attention on the global stage and thus helped the CCP to achieve a domestic propaganda win. This global attention also grants both the top leader and the Chinese government greater international legitimacy to consolidate their power domestically.
Despite the domestic propaganda win, their international impact is a different picture. This book argues that the international communication of those concepts is not very effective. The Chinese government has invested enormous intellectual and financial resources in promoting those concepts on the global stage. Despite the attention those concepts have attracted, their impact in mass persuasion towards a global, non-Chinese audience has not matched up with Chinaâs promotion investment. In this regard, for external-facing foreign policy concepts, their effectiveness of state propaganda as a means of mass persuasion mainly lies within the domestic instead of the international arena. This problem of international communication is not only a branding matterâsuch as those Chinese-coined concepts lacking key qualities of popular slogans, i.e. being catchy and simple.2
More importantly, it is also a result of the very shifting and vague nature of how those conceptual meanings are constructed within and without China, which brings in the fourth function of slogans: call for intellectual support. The development of Chinese foreign policy concepts often follows a âsoftâ opening approach, as previously mentioned. When they are put forward, they are often vague and undefined ideas that are subject to change. This is to say, they are immature ideas that need to be developed and improved. Thus, their introduction is also a call for intellectual support. Vague foreign policy slogans require intellectual power to translate them into more thoughtful ideas. Chinese leaders expect Chinaâs intellectual and policy community to develop those vague concepts into something more concrete after their âsoftâ opening. In other words, the introduction of a concept serves as a slogan to mobilize domestic actors for intellectual support. As such, the introduction of a key foreign policy concept often stimulates an (semi-)open academic and policy discussion within China. During this process, the Chinese academic and policy community gradually fill those concepts with concrete meanings.
While this process allows the state to make use of intellectual power, it invites the participation of a large number of actors who often bring complexity. The vague nature of Chinese foreign policy concepts means that they are open to interpretation. This allows Chinese academics and policy actors to load those concepts with meanings in their preferred ways. This often produces a variety of narratives that sometimes conflict with each other. In some cases, this phenomenon will be intensified when a foreign policy concept involves substantial economic interests, in which various political and economic actors will actively participate in this process to seek influence.
Those powerful actors will employ their political and intellectual resources to interpret the policy concept in their preferred ways in order to maximize their interests. This often invites a difficult coordination problem that the Chinese central government is struggling to deal with. When it comes to international communication, this makes it impossible for the Chinese central government to forge coherent foreign policy narratives or unify the use of its concepts. It also means that Chinese leaders do not have full control of their concepts even in the domestic arena. In some cases, the academic and policy discussions about the concept may even depart from the leadersâ original intentions. When mixed with factional politics, this further muddies the water of slogan politics and makes it difficult to discern the actual intention of slogan manipulation.
In this regard, the slogan politics approach argues that, during this slogan communication process, it is not only about how top leaders or the central government use the slogan to signal messages to domestic and international actors, but also how those actors react to it. This two-way communication process shapes its conceptual meanings and the level of attention that the concept can focus and the action that it can exhort.
1.1 The Slogan Politics Approach to Understanding Chinese Foreign Policy Concepts
The slogan politics approach offers a series of different perspectives for understanding Chinese foreign policy concepts. First, this approach suggests that Chinaâs foreign policy concepts are best understood as multifunctional political slogans instead of well-envisioned and clearly defined geopolitical strategies. When discussing Chinese diplomatic concepts, many international and Chinese analysts often point to concrete foreign policies backed by carefully calculated strategic plans, as previously mentioned. For example, the âBelt and Road Initiativeâ has been widely interpreted as a âwell-thought-outâ âclearly definedâ grand strategy of Beijing, reflecting its global ambition to build a Sino-centric world order, as Chapter 4 will discuss. The relevant analyses suggest that the introduction of the âBelt and Road Initiativeâ was an announcement of Beijingâs carefully crafted masterplan that would be unfolded thoroughly according to the design. The slogan politics approach, however, suggests that the concept of the âBelt and Road Initiativeâ is a multifunctional political slogan to mobilize domestic and international actors. At its first inception, the âBelt and Road Initiativeâ contained no concrete meaning and was kept vague to accommodate the interests of domestic and international actors and thus secure their support. It was also an immature idea that needed to be further developed. Since its first inception, this concept has been constantly evolving according to domestic and international responses. In this regard, the introduction of the âBelt and Road Initiativeâ is a declaration of vague intent and call for intellectual support rather than an announcement of a concrete Chinese plan.
Second, related to the above point, the slogan politics approach focuses on domestic politics logic to explain Chinese foreign policy conceptsâin other words, the domestic consumption of Chinese foreign policy ideasâand thus provides new angles to observe internal dynamics. It does not only examine how the top leader signals a slogan, but also how other political actors respond to this slogan. The slogan politics approach argues that the latter is equally (if not more) important than the former. In this regard, it highlights the role of local, subnational actors in shaping Chinese foreign policy concepts. As Chapter 2 will discuss, slogans in China are used to mobilize the political system to follow the leadersâ call as a form of governance. The top leader expects active response and participation from local actors to put his ideas into practice. Many international analyses simply take it for granted that this process is automatic in the authoritarian context. Yet, the reality is not so simple, as to what extent the idea will be received domestically depends on the power relations between the message sender and the receiver. When facing policy slogans from a weak or unfavourable leader, for example, local actors can choose to ignore the slogan from the top.
Not surprisingly, signature slogans are often as...