This book contends that Hollywood films help illuminate the incongruities of various periods in American diplomacy. From the war film Bataan to the Revisionist Western The Wild Bunch, cinema has long reflected US foreign policy's divisiveness both directly and allegorically. Beginning with the 1990s presidential drama The American President and concluding with Joker's allegorical treatment of the Trump era, this book posits that the paradigms for political reflection are shifting in American film, from explicit subtexts surrounding US statecraft to covert representations of diplomatic disarray. It further argues that the International Relations theorist Walter Mead's concept of a US polity dominated by contesting beliefs, or a 'kaleidoscope', permeates these changing paradigms. This synergy reveals a cultural milieu where foreign policy fissures are increasingly encoded by cinematic representation. The interdisciplinarity of this focus renders this book pertinent reading for scholars and students of American Studies, Film Studies and International Relations, along with those generally interested in Hollywood filmmakers and foreign policy.

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Film & VideoŠ The Author(s) 2020
T. J. CobbAmerican Cinema and Cultural Diplomacyhttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-42678-1_11. Shifting Kaleidoscopes: The Presence of Diplomatic Contradiction in Political and Allegorical American Film
Thomas J. Cobb1
(1)
Stourbridge, UK
Thomas J. Cobb
Keywords
International RelationsInterdisciplinaryNeoconservatismLiberal internationalism AllegoryHollywoodOver the course of two feverish days in January 2017, a set of contrasting events in Washington D.C. encapsulate the divides of contemporary American political life. On January 20, at the traditional setting at the West Front of the United States Capitol Building, President-elect Donald J. Trump delivers a fiery inauguration speech, wrought with the vein of transgressive populism that had been central to the tenor of his presidential campaign. Despite having trailed Democratic rival Hillary Clinton by almost three million votes in the popular vote in the November 2016 presidential election, Trump (2017) asserts the mantle of majority rule, propounding that âwe are transferring power from Washington, D.C., and giving it back to you, the American Peopleâ. In additional grandiose remarks, he portrays disconnects between the experience of Americaâs patriotic citizenry and its decadent elite. Trump blames a Washington that âflourishedâ while âthe factories closedâ, a dissonance protracted by an establishment which âprotected itself, but not the citizens of our countryâ (ibid.).
Seguing from the rhetoric of provincial resentment to language of blood and soil nationalism, the new Republican standard-bearer promises to halt an âAmerican carnageâ (ibid.). He substantiates this agenda with âan oath of allegiance to all Americansâ before bemoaning a litany of policies maintained by Washingtonâs implicitly erstwhile governing class: in protectionist overtones, Trump laments âenriched foreign industry at the expense of American industryâ; how American taxpayers have âsubsidized the armies of other countries while allowing for the very sad depletion of our militaryâ; finally, and perhaps most important to the anti-immigration dimension of Trumpâs campaign, he cites the âravages of other countries making our products, stealing our companies, and destroying our jobsâ (ibid.) as chief causes for vituperation.
The subsequent day of January 21 in Washington D.C. sees opposition to this message. A âWomenâs Marchâ pugnaciously repudiates President Trump, an animus of indignation echoed by emulative protests in capitals across the West. Whilst the march foregrounds anger over the 45th presidentâs attitude to women, it encompasses a broader fear of white nationalism. The manifesto of the Womenâs March expresses belief in the importance of âimmigrant and refugee rights regardless of originâ by rejecting âmass deportation, family detentionâ and âviolations of due processâ (San Diego Free Press 2017). Speeches delivered by major Hollywood celebrities signal this sense of cosmopolitan solidarity absent from Trumpâs address.
Film actress Ashley Judd (quoted in Sanchez 2017) chastises a plethora of attitudes given social license by Trumpâs presidential campaign, listing âracism, fraud, conflict of interest, homophobia, sexual assault, transphobia, white supremacy, misogyny, ignorance, white privilegeâ as flagrant signs of the new presidentâs bigotry. Star of The Avengers Scarlett Johansson (quoted in Ruiz 2017) elicits fears of âa country that is moving backwards and not forwardsâ. The documentary maker and political activist Michael Moore (quoted in Ruiz 2017) claims âhereâs the majority of America, right here. ⌠We are here to vow to end the Trump campaign.â The speeches by Hollywood icons are supplemented and substantiated by the civil rights activist Angela Davis (quoted in Reilly 2017), who reminds of a country âanchored in slavery and colonialismâ, containing a dual legacy of âimmigration and enslavementâ. Elected politicians such as the liberal Senator Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts vaunt the battle against this dimension of American history, which has been romanticised by the Trump-supporting movement of the Alt-right. Warren (quoted in Reilly 2017) champions a âvision to make sure that we fight harder, we fight tougher, and we fight more passionately than everâ.
The two political scenes described might be said to underline a conventional polarity in the United Statesâ perception of itself in the world, signifying a country divided between parochial Republican reaction and internationalist Democratic progressivism. Indeed, their hyperpartisanship might be seen as contrary to the earlier writing of International Relations theorist Walter Russell Mead and his more multifaceted understandings of US political dynamics.
Meadâs 2001 book Special Providence: American Foreign Policy and How It Changed the World foregrounds foreign policy as connected to the diverse nature of the United Statesâ pluralist democracy by putting forward four âschoolsâ which have dominated the schema of American diplomacy. It cites the âHamiltonianâ, a school orientated around the interests of the business class which takes its name from the 1790s Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton; the idealism of the âWilsonianâ, a philosophy of spreading democracy descended from a âmissionaryâ tradition in the nineteenth century (Mead 2001, 151) and honed in World War One by President Woodrow Wilson; the âJeffersonianâ, a principled disinterest in global affairs based on the statecraft of the author of the Declaration of Independence, founding father and president, Thomas Jefferson; finally, the âJacksonianâ, a realism named after the populist antebellum president Andrew Jackson that caters to the nationalist sensibilities of Americaâs heartlands.1
Foreign policy matched the ârepresentative nature of American societyâ, forging an equivalence âbetween the political strength of the given schools and their weight in the nationâ (ibid., 95). In an interview with The Economist, Mead (quoted in The Economist editorial 2010) specified that âsome of our greatest presidentsâFDR for exampleâwere able to move freely within all four of the foreign policy schoolsâ, illuminating the reductive tendencies behind hyperpartisan understandings of US diplomacy. In contrast to a rival nineteenth-century tradition of European âcontinental realismâ, American foreign policy has historically been âmore like a kaleidoscope, whose images, patterns, and colors alter rapidly and apparently at randomâ (Mead 2001, 36).
The first premise of American Cinema and Cultural Diplomacy: The Fragmented Kaleidoscope is that examples of American film from the 1990s to the 2010s convey similarly contradictory foreign policy dynamics, encompassing genres as various as the Western, war film and science fiction blockbuster. Analyses give primacy to the role of International Relations theories in Hollywood film, from the relevance of Bacevichâs ânew American militarismâ for a cycle of post-9/11 action pictures to the resonance of Niebuhrâs warnings against idealism in the Revisionist Western No Country for Old Men (2007). By utilising this interdisciplinary methodology, American Cinema and Cultural Diplomacy demonstrates that US film presents treatments of foreign policy analogous to the concepts of Mead, illustrating sites of both political intersection and ideological friction.
The second premise of this book is that incidences of popular political allegory have encapsulated the spirit of Meadâs theories by spearheading variegated approaches to ideology, juxtaposing clashes and arbitrating compromises between different philosophies and beliefs. From the eclectic war satire of Three Kings (1999) to the outrageous puppet comedy of Team America: World Police (2004), American filmmakers have evinced bold and unconventional ways of illuminating interplay of International Relations concepts. As will be evidenced in this bookâs third and fourth chapters, discussion surrounding realism and idealism is very much present in the former film while rivalries between âhardâ and âsoftâ power are abundant in the latter.
The altering and fluid paradigms of this allegorical symbolism, testified in recent blockbusters like Black Panther (2018), indicate the mercurial role Meadâs shifting kaleidoscope plays in American cinema, with musings on foreign policy finding new forms of expression. Beginning with the centrism of the Clinton era before moving to the changed political climate of the post-9/11 years and the sense of malaise fostered by the Great Recession, American Cinema and Cultural Diplomacy traces how filmmakers have reg...
Table of contents
- Cover
- Front Matter
- 1. Shifting Kaleidoscopes: The Presence of Diplomatic Contradiction in Political and Allegorical American Film
- 2. Triangulation: Unilateral Idealism in the 1990s Cinematic Presidency
- 3. Equilibrium: The Turn of the Twenty-First-Century War Film and the Millenarian Remaking of Global Meliorism
- 4. Reconfiguration: Hard and Soft Power Rivalries in Cinematic Engagements With the War on Terror
- 5. Fragmentation: The Deconstruction of Neoliberal Occupation in No Country for Old Men and There Will be Blood
- 6. Collision: The Dark Knight and Avatarâs Eulogies to Liberal Internationalist Failure
- 7. Stasis: The Continuation of Contradiction in the Age of Malaise and Populism
- Back Matter
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