We will begin by introducing the scope, focus and content of this scholarly edited volume on critical perspectives of sport and physical activity promotion and participation across the lifespan. We are particularly interested in the intersections of age, life stage/transition (early childhood, youth, adulthood, middle-age, old age) and sport, as well as the ways sport and age intersect with class, gender, sexuality, ability, family dynamics and/or race in the developed world. Ageing is often a forgotten dimension in critical sport studies and most texts dedicated to sport across the lifespan are written from developmental, behavioural and/or medical science perspectives with an uncritical acceptance of the dominant “sport is good for all” agenda (e.g., Meyer and Gullotta 2012; Talbot and Holt 2011; Weiss 2004). Alternatively, we provide insights from sociology, education, leisure studies and psychosocial areas, as well as examine emerging age groups in sport (such as toddlers and the oldest of the old). We understand ageing as a complex social, emotional, biological and universal process—we are all ageing and each of us experience it in our own way. Not since McPherson’s (1986) edited collection has there been a book dedicated to sport and ageing across the life cycle. Like us, McPherson (1994: 329) ‘emphasizes that aging is a lifelong social process leading to diverse lifestyles in middle and later adulthood, that there is considerable heterogeneity in physical and social experiences and capacities within and between age cohorts...’ We also acknowledge that ‘we age within a social structure whereby unique cultural, historical, political, economic, or environmental factors impinge on different age groups, at different times, and often in different ways depending on their stage in the life cycle’ (McPherson 1994: 330). The critical approach we take in this book opens up unique ways of thinking about sport and ageing, and draws our attention to the potential for questionable policies and practices. ‘It requires a look beyond the immediate, to question that which we take for granted and seek connections between seemingly disparate ideas: it is an approach that nurtures creativity … with an eye toward social change’ (Swaminathan and Mulvihill 2017: 4–5).
Sport and physical activity cannot not be clearly defined because how we understand them is always changing depending upon cultural norms, leisure trends and policy directions. Different countries use different terms, such as physical culture in the United Kingdom,
health and physical education (HPE) in Australia or exercise in the United States. Often ‘sport’ and ‘physical activity’, as well as the previously mentioned terms, are conflated in policy, everyday language and academic writing. For the purposes of this edited collection, and given that its contributors are from different countries, we have asked chapter authors to explain how they are defining their usage of sport, physical activity, physical education, exercise, leisure and/or physical culture in cases where their definitions may not be clear to the reader. While we accept that any definition of sport is contentious and open to interpretation, if a definition is not provided by chapter authors, the reader can assume that they are using the following understandings of sport, physical activity and/or physical education:
Sport : ‘A human activity involving physical exertion and skill as the primary focus of the activity, with elements of competition where rules and patterns of behaviour governing the activity exist formally through organisations and is generally recognised as a sport’ (Australian Government
2011: 7). In this definition, ‘sport’ has three elements—competition, rules and organisations (i.e., governing bodies) that distinguish it from similar looking physical activities or informal ‘
social sport ’ (see
https://www.clearinghouseforsport.gov.au/knowledge_base/sport_participation/Sport_a_new_fit/what_is_sport). The latter, informal or
social sport , is also important to this book as it includes a collection of individuals who may meet somewhere (e.g., a street, park, sports field or court or backyard) and enter into a game of cricket, rugby, football, basketball or handball. It is considered informal, recreational or ‘social’:
… because the element of organisational supervision is minimal, but [it is still] ‘sport’ because the elements of competition (albeit the friendly nature of such competition) and rules are present. If the same group of individuals were registered in a football club and trained/played in an organised and structured competition under the supervision of a referee; they would be engaged in ‘organised sport ’. In each case the individuals may perform the same skills, produce the same physical exertion, and may realise the same personal benefits (e.g., health, fitness, personal satisfaction, etc.) (see https://www.clearinghouseforsport.gov.au/knowledge_base/sport_participation/Sport_a_new_fit/what_is_sport).
Both informal/social and formal/organised sport are ultimately examples of mass sport participation and are therefore relevant to this edited collection.
Physical activity : physically active recreation or leisure, that is, activities ‘engaged in for the purpose of relaxation, health and wellbeing or enjoyment with the primary activity requiring physical exertion, and the primary focus on human activity’ (Australian Government 2011: 7).
Physical education : school-based sports, fitness and health-related physical activities, fine and gross motor skill-based physical activities and any other physical activity completed during one’s schooling years (primary/elementary school, high school, etc.)
It is important to note that our definitions of sport and physical activity were adopted from the
National Sport and Active Recreation Policy Framework (Australian Government
2011: 7) because it:
… is a guide for government activity and resource allocation. It provides a mechanism for engaging the whole sport and recreation industry in the achievement of national goals for sport and active recreation. It also sets out the agreed roles and responsibilities of governments and expectations of sport and active recreation system partners.
Therefore, this framework guides Australia’s sport policy environment and it is similar to other countries who have adopted a Sport for All concept. For example,
to the European Union (
2001), ‘“
Sport ” means all forms of physical activity which, through casual or organised participation, aim at expressing or improving physical fitness and mental well-being, forming social relationships or obtaining results in competition at all levels’ (see
https://search.coe.int/cm/Pages/result_details.aspx?ObjectID=09000016804c9dbb).
Background to This Edited Volume
The Sport for All idea was first launched by the Council of Europe in 1966. In 1975 the European Sport for All Charter was established (Van Tuyckom and Scheerder 2008). Sport for All endorses the idea that ‘the practice of sport is a human right’ and implies that sport should be practised by all (IOC, Olympic Charter 2013: 11). However, the implementation, awareness and implications of this concept across other Western countries, such as North America, the United Kingdom and Australia, are in their infancy. The traditional focus in these countries has been on the elite sport model. Notably, sport policy’s dual objectives of encouraging mass participation through Sport for All and achieving elite success through funding high performance in sport are in constant tension (Sam 2009). Our interest lies in the growth over the past 40–50 years in the number and variety of sporting programmes and events, catering for both the very young and the very old, which highlight the trend towards promoting sport for all across the lifespan.
Organised sport is being catered for and promoted to people of any age; from children as young as 16 months to adults up to and above 100 years of age....