Native American Communities on Health and Disability

A Borderland Dialogues

L. Lovern, C. Locust

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2013
• Print ISBN: 9781137308603
• eBook ISBN: 9781137312020
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Global Development Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

This volume examines concepts of disability and wellness in Native American communities, prominently featuring the life's work of Dr. Carol Locust. Authors Locust and Lovern confront the difficulties of translating not only words but also entire concepts between Western and Indigenous cultures, and by increasing the cultural competency of those unfamiliar with Native American ways of being are able to bring readers from both cultures into a more equal dialogue. The three sections contained herein focus on intercultural translation; dialogues with Native American community members; and finally a discussion of being in the world gently as caregivers.

SECTION 2

NATIVE AMERICAN VOICES

SECTION 2 REPRESENTS A SPECIFIC TYPE OF BORDERLAND DIALOGUE in which the participants are from Native American worldviews, meaning that they share similarities of manners, cultures and traditions. The authors wish to acknowledge the unique and important differences between the various Native American communities, while noting that “language families” offer components that allow for a borderland dialogue arena to be more readily constructed. One of the most significant “family resemblances” is established by the organization of information using oral rather than written patterns. Because Dr. Locust shares Native American background and multiple Native American languages, the dialogue arena negotiations were often more easily established. Her understanding of metaphorical statements and phrasing required fewer levels of translation.

While the conversations in this section are given in English, not all of them originated in English. The use of English is an attempt to bring the reader into the dialogue. However, the reader must be aware that her observation, of these dialogues, creates a separate arena from the original and establishes an additional layer of translation. This additional layer of translation, necessitated by the reader’s observation, requires that the issues discussed in Section 1 remain a constant consideration in order that the dialogue within the arena, represented by the reader and the work, remain an authentic borderland dialogue.

Additionally, the chapters in this section are oriented around Native American perspectives of wellness, unwellness and disability. The choice of topics is twofold. First, wellness is an important element of Native American communities and so is applicable to a variety of borderland dialogues. Second, wellness discussions illustrate the need for borderland dialogues and the need for careful translation when extrapolated beyond Native American paradigms. Chapters 4 and 5 are arranged to further assist the reader in the Native American borderland dialogues. The remaining chapters in this section represent the voices of Native American individuals from specific communities. In gathering the information, attempts were made to include individuals from various demographics within each community. However, as stated earlier, the information contained in this section represents the views of those in the dialogues and should not be universalized.

The chapters in this section were originally published as monographs by Dr. Locust and the Native American Research and Training Center at the University of Arizona, College of Medicine. Additionally, all of the monographs were supported by the US Department of Education grant number G0083094 with the exception of the Piki Maker, which fell under grant H113B80031. The information represents Dr. Locust’s work prior to the grants and has been revised since the original publication.

Conversations depicted in this section took place both on and off reservations, and were conducted either in English or in the participants’ tribal languages. An interpreter was present when necessary or if requested by any participant. The conversations were recorded when permitted or, if any member of the discussion declined to be recorded, notes were taken. Subsequent dialogues have occurred since the original set, some involving the same individuals and other conversations involving additional participants. For these reasons, and for reasons specific to the Native American culture, we do not place this section in the social science tradition of ethnography, which brings with it a specific set of criteria associated with Western academic traditions. Neither do we place these discussions within any other “defined” Western academic tradition as the purpose is to allow the Native American voices to participate in a borderland dialogue inside of their own worldviews. The “placing of” or “defining of” Native American voices according to Western academic standards violates the foundational assumptions, made by the authors, that Native American worldviews are legitimate in their own right and so the individuals are equally capable of establishing the parameters in which their knowledge is to be understood.

The individuals involved in these conversations were tribal members known by their peers to be reliable and knowledgeable about traditional concepts of wellness, and were willing to discuss such matters. Appropriate thanks were, and continue to be, expressed to those willing to take the time to enter into these discussions. A composite manuscript of each discussion was organized and returned to the designated individuals for corrections and for final approval. Manuscript modifications incorporated all changes indicated by the tribal members.

Out of respect for the wishes of the individuals, no names, identifying remarks, village names or other such information has been included. Concealment not only ensures privacy, but also eliminates the potential for unintentional harm. Because of energy transference and connectivity concerns, participants often chose locations other than their homes for these discussions. Additionally, the researchers agreed to store all cassettes and notes in a manner dictated by tribal customs.

A note on terminology should be made at this point. While the term “disability” is currently used in Western cultures to refer to physical and mental differences, the term “handicapped” is used in some of the Native American voices. The terminology difference represents not only a difference in time, as some interviews were conducted beginning in 1960, but also a difference in the translation used by some Native Americans. The authors used the words of the individual participants in order to maintain an authentic presentation of these discussions.

CHAPTER 4

NATIVE AMERICAN BELIEFS CONCERNING HEALTH AND UNWELLNESS

MOST NATIVE AMERICAN CULTURES HAVE A HIGH DEGREE of integration between their religious beliefs and their beliefs about health. Healing cannot be separated from culture, sacred narratives or religion, nor can the social behavior of the Indians be separated from these things (Levy, 1963). Kluckhohn and Leighton (1962) have noted that healing ceremonies are an integral part of the community experience for the Navajo, and that there is no distinct Navajo term for “religion” in the Western sense. Kahn et al. (1975) observed while doing a study of Tohono O’odham ceremonies that the investigators were unable to distinguish between healing and worship. Aberle (1966) noted little difference in religious and traditional healing practices of American Indians. To the Navajo and Tohono O’odham, as well as other tribes, it would seem that there is little or no difference between religion and medicine, between church and a hospital. Preston and Hammerschlag (1983) observed that “partaking in Indian (healing) ceremonies represents no essential difference from eating communion wafers or wearing prayer shawls”. In this American Indian belief system, then, health is, as Carl Hammerschlag (1985) has observed, “not only a physical state, but also a spiritual one”.

The concepts of Native American spiritual beliefs presented in this chapter are general. They should serve as indicators or guides for further study and should not be taken either as universals or as absolutes for all tribes or for any specific tribe. Several things may influence the beliefs of a Native American: her sub-tribe or clan affiliation, tribal sodality (society) membership, formal education, influence of an outside religion, marriage and length of time and/or experience off reservation. She may or may not know the traditional beliefs, and she may or may not identify with them.

Native American spiritual beliefs are numerous; however, the following statements about Native American beliefs, as they relate to health, are applicable to the majority of tribes:

1. Native Americans have a belief in a Supreme Creator. In this belief system there are also additional beings.

2. Humans are a threefold being made up of a body, a mind and a spirit.

3. Plants and animals, like humans, are part of the spirit world. The spirit world exists side-by-side and intermingles with the physical world.

4. The spirit existed before it came into a physical body and will exist after the body dies.

5. Illness affects the mind and spirit as well as the body.

6. Wellness is harmony in body, mind and spirit.

7. Unwellness is disharmony in body, mind or spirit.

8. Natural unwellness is caused by the violation of a sacred or tribal taboo.

9. Unnatural unwellness is caused by witchcraft.

10. Each of us is responsible for our own wellness.

The following discussion of each of the ten concepts will assist the reader in understanding some of the fundamental precepts of Native American beliefs about health and unwellness.

NATIVE AMERICANS HAVE A BELIEF IN A SUPREME CREATOR: IN THIS BELIEF SYSTEM THERE ARE ALSO ADDITIONAL BEINGS

The belief in a Supreme Creator is basic to a large number of cultural communities in the world. This Creator is often defined as omnipotent and in command of all the elements of existence, is often perceived as anthropomorphic, but is spiritual rather than physical (Luckert, 1977). To the Native American, the Supreme Creator is spiritual and all-powerful, and is not impersonated or personified in tribal ceremonies and rituals. The Creator may have a specific name, but that name is frequently regarded as sacred; therefore the Creator may be referred to as “First Being” by the Navajo, “Our Father” by the Yaqui, “Giver of Life” by the Apache or “Original Being” by the Hopi.

Many tribal groups have other spirit beings associated with the Supreme Creator. These beings may be a partner, co-creator, mate or off-spring of the Supreme Creator, and may or may not be impersonated by humans during ceremonies. For example, the sons of Cherokee deities are called Thunder, Yaquis have a female deity called Maala Mecha (Moon Mother) and Navajo have The Monster Slayers, twin offspring of Navajo deities.

Most cultural groups also recognize an assemblage of spirit helpers (lesser beings) that assist humans. These are not gods, they do not have physical bodies and they are not prayed, but they command respect and thanks just as do Western religious beings such as angels and saints. These beneficent spirit helpers may be identified as Kachinas (Hopi), Ghan or Mountain Spirits (Apache), Yei (Navajo) or Pascolas (Yaqui).

During ceremonies, humans may vest themselves in regalia symbolic of a particular spirit helper, inviting that spirit helper to incarnate in them for the duration of the ceremony, thus bringing blessings and knowledge to the group. In organized Western religions, church leaders such as priests or ministers often hold this position. The priest, wearing his vestments, invites the Spirit of God through him to bless the congregation. Protestant evangelists, who may or may not be vested, are often “hosts” to the Holy Ghost, at which times they may heal, offer prophesy or speak in tongues. In Hopi ceremonies a group of Kachina dancers may contain as many as a dozen participants, each responsible for a vital component of a complete, harmonious ceremony. To the Apache, the pubescent girl becomes the incarnate of Changing Woman (a female deity) during her Sunrise Dance, and as such she has special powers. She is accompanied by five or more Ghan (Mountain Spirit) dancers that bring blessings to the tribe (Locust, 1985a).

HUMANS ARE A THREEFOLD BEING MADE UP OF A BODY, A MIND AND A SPIRIT

“Come into this house that has been prepared for you” is a phrase from a Hopi song welcoming an infant into the world. The “house” is the physical body the parents have prepared for the spirit to inhabit. The “I Am” of each person is the spirit that dwells within the physical body. Yaquis refer to this part of their being as the sewa taka, or spiritual body. Silas John, Apache medicine man, identified the spirit as “The one who I am”. Many Native Americans, including the Comanche, Laguna and Seneca, view the body as an instrument by which the spirit may express itself, may learn spiritual lessons and may progress toward the ultimate goal of being united with the Supreme Creator.

If the physical body is a dwelling place for the spirit, which is the supreme identity, the mind is that part of the being that has “awareness” and functions as a link between the body and the spirit. Humans may hear a truth by means of the ears of the physical body, and may recognize that truth on a spiritual level, but the mind, being aware of the disparity between human desires and spiritual truths, makes adjustments in the thinking and response systems in the consciousness to incorporate this new truth. When this learning process occurs, the human has achieved harmony with his Supreme Creator, his environment and his universe.

The element of existence that gives vitality to all creation is often called “energy”, or, as one Winnebago man expressed it, “power”. The Supreme Creator is all-powerful; all things he has created have power. This power (energy) is spiritual; a medicine person is referred to as a “powerful” medicine man or woman. The use of the term “power” or “powerful” means that the medicine person has great spiritual energy to accomplish certain tasks. A stone may be powerful (crystals are often used for healing) or a plant may be powerful (chamomile is a sedative). The medicine person is one who knows which objects, plants, stones and other things contain various powers and how to use those powers.

The threefold composition of man—body, mind and spirit—is a concept basic to the treatment of diseases among many Native American tribes. What may be deemed a cure by the standards of the Western medical practitioners (e.g., repair of a cleft palate) may be only treatment of the symptoms to the Native American. The underlying cause of why the cleft palate occurred is a spiritual matter, and therefore the spirit must also be treated. This understanding is why a medicine person may be consulted at the same time a Western medical doctor is seen. The physician treats the physical element; the medicine person helps the individual heal herself by assisting her to restore harmony between her body, mind and spirit.

PLANTS AND ANIMALS, LIKE HUMANS, ARE PART OF THE SPIRIT WORLD: THE SPIRIT WORLD EXISTS SIDE-BY-SIDE AND INTERMINGLED WITH THE PHYSICAL WORLD

Most Native Americans believe that all creation has a spiritual component. “Everything is related”, said a Sioux woman. “The Earth is my mother, the animals are my brothers and sisters. Water is my friend, I talk to it. I talk to clay and grass. All things have spirit, just as we have spirit, and they understand.”

When one pi...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• Foreword
• Introduction
• I: Western Academic Voices
• II: Native American Voices
• III: “Don’t Try on It No More”
• Note Regarding the Appendix Information
• Index