This book offers a new comparative approach to late twentieth-century African American and Black British fiction, offering a detailed consideration of the treatment of the cultural memory of Africa, and reading the ways in which these literatures contribute to debates about cultural identity in the contemporary world. The cultural memory of Africa emerges as a distinctive and important theme in African American and Black British literary responses to the legacy of the Civil Rights movement and Black Power, and is equally established, I argue in this book, as an organizing principle for thinking through the possibilities for Black British identity in the wake of Thatcherism and the crumbling British Empire. The âAfricanâ iconography of the Black Power movement forms important inspiration and provocation in both cases, and approaches toward themes of ârememberingâ Africa present a clear contrast in narrative techniques in African American and Black British fictional contexts, which can be seen to contribute importantly to debates around a returning historical sensibility seen as characteristic of the contemporary era.
The comparative impetus that drives this book arises in no small part from the âtransnational connection [âŠ] between the United States [and] Britainâ and the âwidely held perception during the 1960s that the two countries were on a shared trajectory with regard to race mattersâ. 1 âThe United States and the United Kingdom did, indeedâ, Stephen Tuck writes, recalling the words of Winston Churchill, âenjoy a âspecial relationshipâââbut it was âone rooted in histories of Empire, white supremacy, racial inequality, and neoliberal policiesâ. 2 The critical period between 1970 and 2000 sees African American writers grappling with the legacies of a Civil Rights movement, which is often felt to have fallen short of its promise, and asking questions about the relationship of African and African American tradition to the contexts of the past and the present. It is a period, also, in which Black British writers explore a wide range of cultural inheritances and allegiances, looking for ways to speak of their experience in Britain, and come to establish bold and original approaches toward identity made for the present and for the future. It is a time of some uncertainty in both African American and Black British cultural politics: a moment when the optimism afforded African Americans by the triumphs of the Civil Rights movement may have lost some of its shine, 3 and when Black Britons frequently find that neither âBritishâ nor âpostcolonialâ models for identity offer simple answers about what it means to be Black in Britain.
The depiction of a cultural memory of Africa is a characteristic of a great number of African American and Black British works of fiction published in the period between 1970 and 2000 by Black writers in the USA and the UK. Africa is situated in these fictions, more often than not, as a âlandscape of the mindâ, 4 an ambivalently represented space that usually says more about how cultural identity is situated in African American or Black British experience than it does about the African continent itself. In this study I show that narrative approaches toward Africa are affected, in both literary traditions, in ways which are complicated by dynamics relating to cultural imperialism, racism, and histories of multiple migrations.
The African American relationship with the cultural memory of Africa in this period occurs against the historical backdrop of various ideological forms of pan-Africanism which can be traced to the influence of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century maroon revolutions in Haiti, Jamaica, and Surinam, and to the rebellions on American soil of Denmark Vesey and Nat Turner in the 1820s and 1830s. 5 The early twentieth century saw the establishment, by the Universal Negro Improvement Association, and its flamboyant leader Marcus Garvey, of the Black Star Line, a shipping company built with the express intention of taking African diaspora people âback to Africaâ. The founding of the Nation of Islam in the 1930s coincided with, and drew upon, the resistance struggle across colonized territories in Africa, South Asia, and the Caribbean, with the Nationâs emphasis upon a united struggle against imperialism with the people of what it referred to as âAfro-Asiaâ. Malcolm Xâs departure from the Nation in 1964 occurred amid his own reformed views for the possibilities of racial harmony influenced by his travels in Africa and the Middle East, which were only beginning to shape his thinking at the time of his assassination in 1965. In the wake of Malcolmâs death, a younger generation represented by the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) carried forward Malcolmâs legacy, and spawned the call âWe want Black powerâ. The 1960sâ struggle for Civil Rights in the USA coincided with the decolonization of a number of African states, and many Black Power leaders invoked the struggles of African peoples against imperialism and neo-imperialism as vitally linked to the liberation struggle at home. 6
In Britain, meanwhile, following Britainâs call for colonial subjects to fill the labor shortage left at home by the war effort, the mass migration of Caribbean people to Britain was epitomized by the Empire Windrush in 1948. The 1950s gave rise to ânationalist groups across the British Empireâ, displaying âdistinctly more combative political methods of resistance to colonial powerâ, 7 and as first India (in 1947), then African nations, then a number of Caribbean states gained their independence from European colonial powers, decolonization did nothing to slow the flow of migrants to Britain. Immigrants to Britain did not receive the unequivocal welcome they had been led to expect, with tensions epitomized by Enoch Powellâs âRivers of Bloodâ speech in 1968. In response to the 1971 Immigration Act, by which Commonwealth citizens lost their right of abode in the UK, photographer Neil Kenlock responds: âIt was outrageousâyou canât take us from Africa, enslave us, and after weâve built the country up after the war, tell us to go back. No. Thatâs not on.â 8 During this period, antiracist struggle in the UK was influenced by the highly visible US Black Power movement, âthe British Panthers adopt[ing] the strains of Black Power made accessible through the style and communication strategies of the U.S. Panthersâ, 9 but it was an influence that was largely unofficial and improvised. The discussion in this book is grounded against a fascinating current historiography, in which US Black Power, so long glamorized and criminalized in equal measure in the popular imagination, is only in recent years beginning to be discussed as a subject of serious historical research. While this book is not exclusively about Black Power, that movementâs cultural legacy points to significant questions about the perpetual commodification of Blackness in US contexts, and the comparative perpetual erasure of Black cultures in British history, which are at the heart of my concerns. It is salutary to note, for instance, that âU.S. civil rights demonstrations [were] staged for dramatic effect, [and that] the British media followed the action like a soap operaâ, 10 while âBritainâs Black Power movement is in danger of being written out of historyâ. 11
Histories of the term âBlack Britishâ reflect, among other things, the trajectory of a changing relationship with âBlacknessâ as it is defined by US culture, to a position which links that identification to an effort to represent the commonality of nonwhite experiences in Britain. Alison Donnell identifies 1970, the height of the Black Power movement in the US, as âa historical moment from which Black as an identificatory category began to establish itself within Britainâ, 12 and as Mark Stein notes, âit was deployed by the Caribbean Artists Movement in the late 1960s, a movement which, in the words of its chronicler, Anne Walmsley, âbridged the transformation of Britainâs West Indian Community from one of exiles and immigrants to Black Britishââ. 13 During this period, the term âBlackâ is described by Stuart Hall as ââhegemonicâ over other ethnic/racial identitiesâ, 14 and by Kobena Mercer as a moment âwhen various peoplesâof Asian, African and Caribbean descent [âŠ] invoked a collective identity predicated on political and not biological similarities [âŠ, signalling an] alliance and solidarity among dispersed groups of people sharing common historical experiences of British racismâ. 15 This movement indicates a differentiation from US influence. In the 1980s, Alison Donnell writes: âThe need to acknowledge multiple perspectives and the pluralisation of cultural forms and positions within the arena of Black British culture was an almost inevitable consequence of the growth of interest and work being done in this areaâ â(Donnell)â. As James Procter puts it, âwhat Kobena Mercer refers to as âthe burden of representationâ has created a desire to âsay it allââ, where attempts at theorization of âBlacknessâ are constantly, inevitably, disrupted by a âkind of politicised, untidy, âlivedâ version of Blacknessâ. 16
The shift from the 1980s to the 1990s may broadly be represented by Stuart Hallâs contention that âpeople donât use âBlackâ in quite that way any longer, because they want to identify more precisely where they come from, culturallyâ.
17 James Procter comments:
[The] âburden of representationâ lifted during the 1980s and 1990s as certain Black cultural formations became âcentredâ. [âŠ] What is also striking about the literature of this period is its new attention to the historicity of the Black British experience [,âŠ] testimony to the fact the Black British past is not simply an amoral site of postmodern play but also a politically loaded, politically active site of remembrance from which we all must learn. 18
Where the burden of representation positioned one rarefied speaker (the artist or writer for instance) to speak on behalf of whole, disparate, and shifting communities, there is a sense of a false notion of representation being imposed upon the word spoken, a false âfrozennessâ upon diverse and living histories, an inevitable consequence of a culture where nonwhite is equated with âotherâ. When all this is taken into account, the term âBlack Britishâ is most usefully identified for me as functioning, in relation to these contemporary novels, as
a collective term that covers an imagined experiential field of overlapping territories. While at its narrowest it merely refers to writers with an African-Caribbean background, at its widest, it can include writing that takes recourse to domains such as Africa, Asia or the Caribbean and attendant cultural and aesthetic traditions. [âŠ] [the] space denoted by the label in question is far from homogenous; on the contrary, its heterogeneity is one of its defining features. 19
Despite the fact that Black British writers register an interruption (or multiple interruptions) in the transmission of historical memory, they do present the capacity of historical memory to âpossessâ the present in the same way that African American writers do. African American texts make a strong suggestion that this is a distinctive African trait which is felt in African American culture, through Vodoun or other traditional forms (but which can also be felt simply as âmemoryâ). Black British texts do not link this to any particular traditionâit is figured more as simply a function of text, and reflective of histor...