Father Time: The Social Clock and the Timing of Fatherhood

W. Goldberg

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2014
• Print ISBN:
  9781349476237
  9781137372710
• eBook ISBN:
  9781137372727
• Topic: Psychology
• Subtopic: Education General
• Index: Psychology

Men's biological clocks may not be ticking loudly, but what about the social clock? Are there benefits to being in-step with social norms for the timing of parenthood? In a clear and accessible style, this book examines the advantages and disadvantages of early, on-time, and delayed first fatherhood. The book includes a foreword by Ross D. Parke.

1

Men in Transition

Fathers are enjoying a renaissance in American culture. Far from forgotten, fathers now abound in film, television, and books. If we look to the film industry, we find a plethora of films about fathers. Fathers were featured in some older films such as Father of the Bride (1950) and Kramer vs. Kramer (1979), but have become more prevalent, for example in the remakes of Father of the Bride (1991 and its sequel in 1995), Field of Dreams (1989), Boyz ’n the Hood (1991), My Architect (2003), Big Fish (2003), Beginners (2010), and the charming Finding Nemo (2003). Fathers in film are portrayed alternatively in traditional or non-traditional roles, as malevolent or compassionate patriarchs, as wise or foolish men, and as close to or estranged from their partners and children. Films such as Three Men and a Baby (1987), Knocked Up (2007), and The Pursuit of Happyness (2006) illustrate the transforming power of parenthood as men adapt their lives to this experience.

The omniscient, traditional, white, suburban father of early television was delivered to viewers in the form of Father Knows Best, Make Room for Daddy, and the Adventures of Ozzie and Harriet. Less authoritative father figures cropped up on television as gender roles relaxed in American society in the 1980s. One of the biggest hits in television history was The Cosby Show, which made its debut in 1984 and starred Bill Cosby as the strong yet affable and accessible father in an upper-middle-class African American family. Commercial books also reflect the current widespread interest in fathers. A recent search of the Barnes & Noble website with the word “father” or “fathers” in the title produced over 6,000 titles, with some redundancy. Google Book’s Ngram Viewer shows the percentage of references to a term from all terms it indexes. In a search from 1950–2008, “father” started to rise in the 1990s. Noteworthy are scholarly and popular books that simply would not have appeared decades ago. For example, Levine and Pittinsky at the Families and Work Institute adapted the phrase “working mothers” to describe dilemmas facing contemporary fathers; thus, the title of one of their publications, Working Fathers: New Strategies for Balancing Work and Family. Another term that had exclusively pertained to women – “expectant mothers” – was applied to a 2010 book entitled Expectant Fathers in which authors Brott and Ash supplied practical advice for fathers-to-be. It is indeed this latter topic, expectant fatherhood, along with new fatherhood, which are the foci of the current book.

Theoretical perspectives on fatherhood for men’s development

Young men still value, desire, and aspire to parenthood. Several theoretical traditions representing several disciplines inform our understanding of the meaning of becoming a father for men’s development (Eggebeen, Knoester, & McDaniel, 2013). From sociology, we have role theory (Biddle, 1986), which emphasizes the societal expectations that accompany the father role. Societies have expectations for how fathers are supposed to behave and may impose sanctions for deviations from these behavioral expectations (Eggebeen et al., 2013).

Social psychology offers identity theory as an organizing principle for understanding fatherhood (Rane & McBride, 2000). Emphasis is on the relative importance of the social roles that individuals occupy. When men take on the role of father, it catalyzes a reordering of the importance of other roles that comprise their identity (Eggebeen et al., 2013) and the alignment of behavior with social expectations for the father role (Rane & McBride, 2000). Behavioral expectations associated with fatherhood become internalized and part of the self-concept (Stryker & Burke, 2000).

From the human development perspective, Urie Bronfenbrenner’s ecological system theory emphasizes the importance of reciprocal interactions between the individual and the contexts in which he develops, from the family to the broader culture (Bronfenbrenner, 1994). His approach reminds us that men do not transition to fatherhood in isolation. This transitional experience occurs in a set of layered contexts, with reciprocal influences between the individual and each layer.

Life span theories deal with individual development from conception to old age and emphasize adaptive processes (Baltes, 1987, 1997). Each age period of the life span has its own agenda but beyond age, the focus is on continuity and change in processes and mechanisms of mind and behavior (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2006). Unlike traditional concepts of development as unidirectional growth, life span theorists see adaptive changes as open and multidimensional, emphasizing plasticity, the notion that behavior is both open and constrained (Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 2007). Life-long plasticity means that human development is not fixed during childhood, but is open to and affected by later experiences (Brim & Kagan, 1980) – such as parenthood.

The interdisciplinary life course perspective moves beyond the individual life span. While retaining a focus on human development as a life-long process, life course theory intertwines the embededness of connections with others, the agency of individuals in making choices, and historical time and place (Bengtson & Allen, 1993; Elder, Johnson, & Crosnoe, 2003). Men who became parents in the 1950s and 1960s had the pressure of being the family’s breadwinner (Carr, 2005). The psychological implications of fatherhood may depend on the historical period and on one’s stage of the life course (Umberson, Williams, Powers, Chen, & Campbell, 2005). Being a father today, in the culture of “new fatherhood” means active involvement with children in addition to providing economically for the family (Palkovitz, 2002). In other words, ideal fathers are now the “approachable providers” (Chin, Hall, & Daiches, 2011).

In psychology, some developmental theorists believe that each stage of life presents certain developmental tasks that must be accomplished for the individual to be well adjusted and fit into society. Erik Erikson’s (1950) model of life-span development held that each stage had certain challenges that had to be resolved successfully. Relevant to the transition to parenthood is the adult stage of generativity, when the focus shifts from the self to guiding the next generation. Havighurst (1952, 1953) put forward the idea that each life period has key tasks to be met that arise from biological, social, and personal forces. Fulfilling these tasks leads to better adjustment and preparedness for future tasks. The task of starting a family falls within Havighurst’s young adulthood stage. Neugarten added the importance of normative timing for the completion of developmental tasks, examining the meaning of individuals’ deviations from social timetables, i.e, widely shared age expectations for major transitional events (Neugarten, Moore, & Lowe, 1965). Cultural pressures toward early parenthood predominated in the 1950s and 60s; today, there is more latitude in the timing of parenthood. Do social pressures still operate? Does timing make a difference for the individual father? Is there a social clock? This volume addresses these questions.

Empirical perspectives on the transition to fatherhood

Studies on the topic of the transition to parenthood often look at one end of the age spectrum or another, informing us about adolescent parents on one end and delayed, older parents on the other. Birth rates to these cohorts have been shifting in opposite directions. Teen birth rates to females aged 15–19 declined by a third between 1991 and 2005 (Child Trends Data Bank, 2013); at 31.3 per 1,000 in 2011, it reached its lowest level in 70 years (Martin, Hamilton, Ventura, Osterman, Wilson, & Mathews, 2013, National Vital Statistics Reports). The comparable rates for teenage males were 14.7 per 1,000 (Martin et al., 2013). Adolescent males have lower teen birth rates than females due to the tendency of adolescent females to have older partners and to underreport information about fathers on birth certificates (Child Trends Data Bank, 2013). Information on age of father is missing on 24% of birth certificates issued to women under age 25 (Martin et al., 2013). The median age at first birth is up for women: 25.6 years in 2011 (Martin et al., 2013). Overall birth rates for women under 40 years continue to decline but are rising for older women; birth rates for women between 40 and 44 years were up to 10.3 per 1,000 in 2011 (Martin et al., 2013). Male partners tend to be older, even at the higher age ranges. Overall birth rates for men aged 40–44 years were 26.4 per 1,000 and fell to 8.3 per 1,000 for men between 45 and 49 years (Martin et al., 2013). For birth rates by age and race of fathers in the US from 1980–2010, see Table 1.1.

For decades, the topic of the transition to parenthood in general and delayed parenthood in particular has engaged the interest of family scholars in psychology and sociology. Kick-started by the research of LeMasters in the 1950s, the transition to parenthood started to be viewed as a crisis for couples, catapulting them from marital bliss to marital distress. Blame was placed squarely on the birth of the baby, and change in couples’ lives was assumed to be for the worse. The dozens of dissertations and articles that followed LeMasters’ (1957) pronouncement suggested that a chord had been struck. Findings were mixed; not all research was confirming of the crisis perspective (e.g., Dyer, 1963). As Cowan and Cowan (1988) wisely observed, the baby was usually not to blame, and couples’ pre-baby levels of marital satisfaction were the best predictors of their relative marital satisfaction as new parents.

Table 1.1 US birth rates by age and race of father

[Rates are births per 1,000 men in specified group. Populations based on counts enumerated as of April 1 for census years and estimated as of July 1 for all other years. Rates for 2001–2009 have been revised using population estimates based on the 2010 census, and may differ from rates previously published. Figures for age of father not stated are distributed]

¹ Rates computed by relating total births, regardless of age of father, to men aged 15–54.

² Rates computed by relating births of fathers under age 20 to men aged 15–19.

³ Includes races other than white and black.

⁴ Based on 100 percent of births in selected states and on a 50 percent sample of births in all other states; see reference 8.

Notes: Race and Hispanic origin are reported separately on birth certificates. Race categories are consistent with 1977 Office of Management and Budget standards. Thirty-eight states and the District of Columbia reported multiple-race date for 2010 that were bridged to single-race categories for comparability with other states; Multiple-race reporting areas vary for 2003–2010. In this table, all men, including Hispanic Men, are classified only according to their race; Age of father was not stated for 13.8 percent of births in 2010.

Source: Table 1.1 reprinted from National Vital Statistics Reports, 2013, p. 47.

The timing of parenthood is inexorably tied to other life events and experiences, such as education and health. One researcher commented that, “educational attainment and age at first birth are so deeply intertwined that at times they seem like two faces of the same underlying force or trait” (Mirowsky, 2002, p. 317). In part because of its impact on education, age at first birth is related to the health status of men and women: adults who give birth too early (before age 21.8 years) are less healthy than average. Using 1995 survey data, an upper limit on age emerged for the women in Mirowsky’s cross-sectional analysis of a national telephone probability sample, but for men, the positive association of health and age at first birth increased with “no detectable upper limit” (ibid., p. 342), thus contributing to the thinking that men can venture into parenthood well into adulthood. Mirowsky suggested that social and economic correlates and consequences of delayed parenthood are likely responsible for this favorable association.

Although the transition to parenthood is no longer thought to usher in sturm und drang, “the advent of parenthood defines a core transition in the life course that may catalyze and interlock sets of social and biological consequences” (Mirowsky, 2002, p. 340). Academic research on the topic remains active and articles often appear in high-visibility outlets. However, much more is known about the transition to motherhood than the transition to fatherhood. Frequently, when the timing of parenthood is included within a study, the mothers’ age constitutes the basis for coding couples into early, on-time, and delayed groups. The classic 1982 book on the timing of parenthood by Daniels and Weingarten (Sooner or Later: The Timing of Parenthood in Adult Lives) used mothers’ ages to classify 72 early- and late-timing couples. Also hampering our knowledge about the timing of fatherhood is that studies that include the timing of fatherhood often utilize either small, select samples, which limit generalizability, or use large survey samples that are representative but constricted in breadth and depth (i.e., few items on a given topic). A lack of consensus about the age cutoff to demarcate delayed parenthood also burdens the extant literature. One group of researchers who reviewed the literature tallied ages ranging from 25 to 40 years (Garrison, Blalock, Zarski, & Merritt, 1997). Another problematic tendency in existing research is the absence of comparison groups, e.g., study samples consisting only of delayed parents.

The study that provides the basis for the current book has the advantage of a sizable sample, multiple methods, and a wide range of topics to further our understanding of the advantages and disadvantages in the timing of fatherhood. The study is grounded in the theoretical construct of the social clock, which, in general terms, posits that adjustment to life events is smoother when these events are experienced at expected, or normative, times in the life cycle. According to traditional life-cycle theories, on-time parenthood will be a more satisfying experience than off-time parenthood. However, it is important to remember that age does not cause developmental change; it is best seen as a marker that is correlated with behavior change (Lerner & Spanier, 1978; Goldberg & Michaels, 1988). The broader social–historical context may render changes in the ages associated with on-time events. Some researchers have suggested that the prevalence of delayed childbirth in the US and Europe represents an adaptive response to prevailing social and economic conditions (e.g., Garrison et al., 1997). The divergent positions about the ease or difficulty of the transition to parenthood for parents in different timing cohorts compel additional investigation.

The objective of this book is to further understanding of the impact of the social clock on men’s adjustment to first-time fatherhood. Several aspects of adjustment are considered in their own chapters: motivation for parenthood, psychological well-being, marriage, employment, leisure, relationships with own parents, and involvement with the infant. With a sample of men ranging in age from 19 to 47, the late 1990s data set affords the opportunity to study the transition to fatherhood among early (under 25 years), on-time (25–34 years), and delayed timing (over 35 years) men. One hundred men participated in the initial pre-birth interviews with about one-third in each timing group. About half the sample returned questionnaires when their children were young infants. The book presents both quantitative and qualitative data. The pre- and post-natal quantitative data from questionnaires and semi-structured interviews are enriched by quotations from open-ended interviews conducted prenatally.

Who are the men in this study?

The men in the current study were biological parents-to-be and were living with the baby’s mother. This was the first marriage for...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of Figures and Tables
• Foreword
• Acknowledgments
• 1 Men in Transition
• 2 Is There a Social Clock for Men?
• 3 Why Do Men Want to Become Parents?
• 4 The Inner Self: Identity, Well-being, and Personality Characteristics of Expectant and New Fathers
• 5 Couple Time: Marital Quality and the Timing of Fatherhood
• 6 Time to Work: Work Involvement and the Timing of Fatherhood
• 7 Intergenerational Relationships and the Timing of Fatherhood
• 8 Any Time for Fun?
• 9 Fathers and Their Babies: Does Timing Matter?
• 10 The Timing of Fatherhood: What Have We Learned?
• Appendix A: Prenatal Interview Questions and Postnatal Questionnaire
• Appendix B: Prenatal and Postnatal Scales
• References
• Index