Science Education, Career Aspirations and Minority Ethnic Students

Billy Wong

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2016
• Print ISBN:
  9781137533975
• eBook ISBN:
  9781137533982
• Topic: Education
• Subtopic: Education General

Is science typically for White men? Is science for 'people like us'? What are the barriers and opportunities? This book explores the science career aspirations of minority ethnic students. It investigates the views, experiences and identities of British Black Caribbean, Bangladeshi, Chinese, Indian and Pakistani youths in relation to science.

1

Introduction

Science is central to our everyday lives, perhaps more so than ever before as we advance into the knowledge economy and information age. In many countries, particularly developed nations, participation in science, technology, engineering and mathematics (STEM) continues to be an important issue for governments and businesses. The consensus is that participation in STEM will need to improve for reasons of national economic competitiveness and social equity (House of Lords, 2012). STEM industries are generally regarded as the cornerstone of our economy, even in times of recession. The importance of STEM for innovation and growth is widely recognized. Scientific discoveries and technological advancements can ignite or reinvigorate new and existing economies, such as by the creation of highly skilled and paid jobs and services. Although there are debates over the supply and demand of STEM professionals in employment (Smith, 2010), commentators from industries and governments have voiced concerns about a STEM skills gap. For example, almost half of UK businesses in 2012 reported difficulty in recruiting staff with the relevant STEM skills and knowledge (CBI, 2012). In the UK, it is anticipated that while most employment sectors will contract between 2012 and 2020, demand for STEM professionals will continue to increase in the foreseeable future (Institute of Physics, 2014a; Royal Academy of Engineering, 2012; UKCES, 2013). Similar forecasts have also been made in Australia and the US (ACOLA, 2013; National Science Board, 2014). These concerns, among others, have strengthened calls for the teaching of STEM subjects, particularly science in compulsory schooling, to improve and increase across all age groups (Roberts, 2002).

Science education typically serves a dual purpose. First, it is designed to nurture future scientists and STEM professionals. Second, it ensures that as citizens we are equipped with a reasonable understanding of science. Osborne (2007) and colleagues (Osborne & Dillon, 2008) argue for the importance of a scientifically informed public in making judgments on ethical and political dilemmas generated by developments in science (for example, genetic engineering, the use of stem cells, nuclear research or ‘three person babies’). Scientific research or ideas that are labeled as controversial could face public and financial backlashes if the general public rejects these initiatives due to a lack of understanding. In other words, science education aims to provide citizens with the foundation of scientific knowledge needed to engage critically with science (Dillon, 2009).

In the UK, as in many Western countries (such as the US, see Ong, Wright, Espinosa, & Orfield, 2011), participation in post-compulsory STEM education, particularly in the physical sciences and engineering, is segregated by gender, social class and race/ethnicity (EngineeringUK, 2015; National Academies, 2011; Royal Society, 2008; Smith, 2011). This raises concerns of social equity as women, the ‘working classes’ and certain groups of racial/ethnic minorities are systematically ‘leaking’ from the science and engineering education pipeline. Perhaps more worrying, these underrepresented minorities in STEM, particularly ‘minority ethnic’ groups in the UK (that is, those who are not White British) or ‘people of color’ in the US (or those who are not White American), are expected to make a growing contribution to science and society due to their expected increase in population over the next few decades (Rees, Wohland, Norman, & Boden, 2012; see ons.gov.uk and census.gov for the latest figures in the UK and US). There are fears that such a pool of talent could neglect science as a potential career pathway.

Terminology of ethnicity

The terms ‘minority ethnic’, ‘ethnic minority’ and ‘Black and Minority Ethnic (BME)’ are widely used across UK government, media and academic discourses¹ as a broad reference for those who are not ethnically White British, which includes those who are White English, White Scottish, White Welsh and White Northern Irish. In the US, the term ‘people of color’ can be seen as the equivalent, which, if applied in the UK context, may be seen as offensive or outdated (Gillborn, 2008). The popularity, or accepted usage, of these different terms by public, government, media and academic communities appears to reflect the historical circumstances and experiences of different ethnic groups, which vary across countries. In the UK, the term ‘minority ethnic’ appears to function, probably in the same way as the term ‘people of color’ does in the US, as a way to promote open discussions and awareness of the various disadvantages faced by different ethnic groups, particularly those who are numerically in the minority and who may also have less access to power and resources.

Postcolonial theorists, such as Hall (1990), argued that minority ethnic/racial groups are constituted as the ‘Other’ in Western societies, and are subject to various social inequalities, particularly in education. Minority ethnic groups are often recognized not only by their ethnicity, but also by perceived racial differences, whether or not these accord with their self-identities. Race, typically ascribed on the basis of apparent physical characteristics, such as skin color, continues to be a key marker (and barrier) in one’s negotiation of social identity (Omi & Winant, 2015; see Chapter 2). Individuals who are labeled (and racialized) as ‘Black’ or ‘Asian’ may be constrained in their ability to express their social identity in ways of their choosing.

Focus of the study

This book explores the science career aspirations of young people from minority ethnic backgrounds, in response to concerns that particular ethnic/racial groups are ‘leaking’ from science education (Elias, Jones, & McWhinnie, 2006). We know from previous UK and US literature that students tend to have a positive interest in science at the end of primary/elementary school (aged 10–11), but that enthusiasm declines dramatically by age 14 (Jenkins & Nelson, 2005; Murphy & Beggs, 2005; Osborne, 2008; Tai, Liu, Maltese, & Fan, 2006). Hence, the critical period during which students begins to lose (or form) aspirations toward science seem to occur between ages 11 and 14 (that is, the early years of secondary education or middle school). Although this book focuses on young people from minority ethnic groups in England, UK, the issues that will be explored are also relevant to other diverse societies and countries.

In England, young people from specific ethnic backgrounds tend to drop out at various stages of science education, either to pursue alternative career choices or studies, or because they are denied further study of science due to low attainment. While diversity data in science education are not readily available, Elias et al. (2006) reported that, with the exception of British Chinese and Indian students, proportionally fewer students from minority ethnic backgrounds, including those who were academically qualified, opted to study physics at UK universities. At doctoral level, physics is less attractive for all students from minority ethnic backgrounds when compared to White British students. These patterns are mirrored in compulsory science education, such as the General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE), which is an academic qualification typically taken by students aged 14–16 in England, Wales and Northern Ireland. In GCSE science, there are generally three forms of qualification, which can be interpreted as entry level (Core or ‘Single Award’), intermediate level (Additional or ‘Double Award’) and advanced level (‘Triple Award’). My own Freedom of Information² request found that in 2012, the proportion of Core, Additional and Triple Award science students was around 81 per cent White British, while the proportion of Triple Award science students who were British Black Caribbean (0.82 per cent) was significantly less than for Additional (1.47 per cent) and Core sciences (1.50 per cent). Similar patterns, albeit with smaller differences, were also found for British Black African, Bangladeshi and Pakistani students, whereas British Chinese and Indian students were better represented in Triple Award science (0.80 per cent and 3.60 per cent, respectively) compared to Additional (0.40 per cent and 2.50 per cent) and Core sciences (0.30 per cent and 2.27 per cent). These patterns suggest that British students from minority ethnic backgrounds participate in science in diverse ways.

Few studies in the UK have explored the ways in which race or ethnicity can influence science career aspirations (Archer, DeWitt, & Osborne, 2015; DeWitt et al., 2011; Wong, 2012, 2015a, 2015b). By comparison, this field of research is more mature in the US, which has focused on issues such as classroom pedagogy, social inequalities/identities and aspirations toward science (Aikenhead, 1996; Aschbacher, Li, & Roth, 2010; Brickhouse & Potter, 2001; Carlone & Johnson, 2007; Riegle-Crumb, Moore, & Ramos-Wada, 2011; Tan & Calabrese Barton, 2008, to name a few). Enquiries into young people’s aspirations can offer valuable insights into the educational and career routes students intend to pursue (Archer, DeWitt, & Wong, 2014; Croll, 2008). Aspiration is defined as ‘a hope or ambition of achieving something’ (Oxford Dictionaries, 2010). For individuals, an aspiration can constitute their desires, intentions and expectations for the present and future. Aspiration can be shaped and reshaped by a number of interweaving factors. Some influences may be more unique (for example, personal experiences), while others can be seen as a structural social process that can be mapped onto demographic attributes and expectations, such as age, gender, socioeconomic status and race/ethnicity (Archer, Hollingworth, & Mendick, 2010). For example, girls and boys tend to have different career and educational aspirations that typically reflect societal expectations and/or perceived gender roles (Francis, 2002; Gutman & Akerman, 2008). While these structural social processes are not homogeneously experienced, differences in aspirations among certain groups can be shaped by particular social identities (for example, gender, class and race/ethnicity, see Chapters 2 and 3). In relation to science, there are concerns that young people still regard science subjects and careers as typically being for privileged White men (Baker, 1998), which is a popular perception that does reflect actual participation in some cases.

In UK education policy, low (or lack of educational) aspirations are sometimes attributed to the lower participation rates of working class and particular minority ethnic groups in post-compulsory education (DCSF, 2007, 2009; DfES, 2005). Initiatives have been set out to raise the aspirations of young people (for example, Aimhigher, Aiming High, see REACH, 2007) by providing students with educational and career roadmaps and information, with the goal of promoting higher achievement and tertiary study (DfES, 2003). For researchers, knowledge about young people’s aspirations is important because decisions made in compulsory schooling (such as subject choice) can encourage or limit certain career choices. Although career aspirations do not necessarily correspond with educational aspirations, since a desired career can operate at an ideological level (for example, a ‘dream job’, see Mickelson, 1990), Tai et al. (2006) reported that American adolescents with science career aspirations were ‘3.4 times more likely to earn physical science and engineering degrees than students without similar expectations’ (p. 1144). This strengthens the view that an understanding of young people’s career aspirations toward science can potentially shed light on the future landscape of the science workforce.

This book draws from science education literature and sociology of education theories to explore why some students from minority ethnic groups (aged 11–14) aspire, while others do not, toward science. The intention here is to provide qualitative insights and sociological explanations for the different ways in which science is viewed and experienced by racial minorities. In this book, British young people from Black Caribbean, Bangladeshi and Pakistani backgrounds are investigated as examples of typically ‘low’ academic achievers and participants in science, whereas British students from Chinese and Indian backgrounds are explored as examples of typically ‘high’ attainers and participants in science (Elias et al., 2006). The focus on young people across ethnic backgrounds provides the opportunity to probe for similarities and differences between minority ethnic groups. This book seeks to understand how cultural identities and inequalities of race/ethnicity, social class and gender can shape minority ethnic students’ views of, and aspirations toward, science. By drawing from sociology of education and science education, the aim is to develop conceptual ideas that will extend our current thinking. The book hopes to build on and strengthen our current understanding of the diverse pattern of science participation among minority ethnic students. The highlights of the book will include discussion of the distinction between careers in and from science (see Chapter 2), the educational discourses of ‘being the best’ and ‘trying my best’ (see Chapter 4), the ongoing development around ‘science identity’ (see Chapter 5), the emerging idea of ‘science capital’ (see Chapter 6) and the development of a typology of science participation (see Chapter 7). The purpose here is to offer viable suggestions and recommendations for policy and practice that will hopefully improve the science education of racial minorities in terms of attainment, access and engagement.

Researching minority ethnic students in England

This book responds to concerns that young people, particularly from minority ethnic backgrounds, are losing interest and lacking aspirations in science from the early stages of secondary (or middle) school education. This book draws on empirical data collected for my doctoral research (January 2009–April 2012), which was a qualitative study of the educational, science and career aspi...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of Tables
• Acknowledgments
• 1. Introduction
• 2. The ‘Crisis’ in Science Participation
• 3. Differences, Barriers and Minority Ethnic Groups
• 4. The Aspirations of Minority Ethnic Youths
• 5. Is Science for Us?
• 6. Science Capital
• 7. Five ‘Types’ of Science Participation
• 8. Implications for Research and Policy
• Appendix 1: Additional Data on Student Interviewees
• Appendix 2: ‘Visual Mapping’ of Science Participation
• Notes
• Bibliography
• Index