1.1 Introduction
The preceding statements by American President Donald Trump and Bill Peduto, the Mayor of Pittsburgh, capture a theme that now pervades the study of global climate politics. The first is that nation-states (and elected leaders of nation-states) have a “solemn” right to defend their citizens from international agreements and “entanglements” that undermine their national economic and political interests. The second is that cities (and their elected representatives) have a right and responsibility to act on climate change.
Twenty years ago, the idea that a mayor and an elected head of state would be locking horns over their commitment to climate change would have seemed bizarre, to say the least. But in 2017, city leaders around the world are now speaking and acting in the name of the planet—as well as their citizens. According to
ICLEI , one of the world’s largest transnational city-networks:
In the United States already, 78 city and state government entities, representing almost 28 million US citizens, are monitoring their emission reduction efforts through the carbonn Climate Registry. They are contributing to a global commitment to reduce emissions by more than one gigatonne of carbon-dioxide equivalent by 2030 — roughly the same amount pledged by the United States in its Nationally Determined Contribution to the Paris Agreement.1
In 2017, another city-network representing more than 80 of the world’s largest cities, “the
C40 ”, responded to the US government’s decision to withdraw from the
Paris Climate Agreement by issuing a petition (that was signed by more than 50 city mayors, including the mayors of Accra, Amman, Paris and Toronto), calling upon the G20 heads of state to deliver on their Paris commitments to tackle climate change:
As C40 mayors we will continue to lead on climate action in the most important cities of the world, standing for our people, the planet and global prosperity. Today, we seek to strengthen a pragmatic and positive alliance with you, in the service of our citizens. We look forward to working with you.2
Elsewhere, cities like Portland, Oslo, Medellín and Seoul are pursuing highly ambitious agendas for reducing emissions and vulnerability to climate change. According to the Non-State Actor Zone for Climate Action (NAZCA) , another repository of information that is operated and maintained by the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (hereafter UNFCCC) , cities, sub-national governments, regions, investors, companies and civil society organizations accounted for a total of 11,615 climate change “commitments” in 2016.3
In the words of Seoul’s mayor, said Park Won-soon, “local governments are actually leading national governments. They are the driving force” (in the global fight against climate change).4
But how do we make sense of these “forces?” And what do they tell us about the contemporary nature of international power ?
For some (e.g. Tavares 2016; Barber 2013, 2017a), the growing prominence of cities in global climate politics suggests a fundamental transition from the old pattern of state-centric, multilateral governance that underlies the UNFCCC to a transnational, transformational arrangement that is rooted in the active involvement of sub- and non-state actors , including cities (e.g. Hale 2016). For others (e.g. Sassen 2015; Hickmann 2016; Gordon and Johnson 2017), the apparent transformation adds a layer of complexity and uncertainty to the study of global climate politics, suggesting the need for new theories and concepts that may be used to understand this process. For others, still (e.g. Davis 2016) the appearance of cities in global climate politics is but a temporary phenomenon that reflects the peculiarities of this particular moment in history.
Whether the “struggle” to craft an effective response to climate change becomes a zero-sum game of actions and reactions between cities and
nation-states , the apparent
rise of cities suggests a new set of norms and standards that are now being used to define what constitutes city leadership (Acuto
2013; Gordon and Acuto
2015; Acuto and Rayner
2016). Perhaps, the most powerful sentiment of this kind comes from the late
Benjamin Barber , whose posthumous editorial in the Guardian newspaper captures the normative and political zeitgeist of contemporary city power:
Because urban citizens are the planet’s majority, their natural rights are endowed with democratic urgency. They carry the noble name of “citizen”, associated with the word “city”. But the aim is not to set urban against rural: it is to restore a more judicious balance between them. Today it is cities that look forward, speaking to global common goods, while fearful nations look back. (Barber 2017b)
Underlying Barber’s comments is a powerful assertion that protecting the global atmospheric commons is an essential part of what it means to exercise political authority, and that cities have a right and a responsibility to intervene in this regard.
However, much remains to be known about the long-term implications of city and city-network engagement in global climate politics. Are cities and transnational city-networks , for instance, driving a coherent agenda that will have a lasting effect on reducing emissions and vulnerability to climate change? Are they legitimate actors in global climate governance? Are they able to provide a meaningful alternative to the multilateral system of nation-states ? Above all, how does the growing involvement of cities and city-networks in global climate politics affect our understanding of international power ?
This book seeks to address these questions.
In doing so, it makes the case that cities have emerged as international actors in their own right, but that their agency has been framed and constrained by the ways in which national governments, multilateral institutions, transnational networks and multinational corporations constitute their behaviour. In what follows, I argue that the power of cities to act and effect change in global climate politics can be usefully framed in relation to four constellations of international power. The first is framed primarily in relation to the formal rules, norms and expectations that are created by states in the context international regimes, in this case, the UNFCCC . The second stems from the constellation of norms, knowledge, ideas and resources that manifest themselves in transnational city-networks. The third lies in the ability of cities to accumulate and attract the labour, resources and capital th...