The conflicts occurring between and within countries in the contemporary period are indicative of a movement towards a new world order where peace and human rights protection are becoming more and more elusive. In the immediate aftermath of World War II, the US and the Soviet Union emerged as great powers, and an era of a tight bipolar world began. This ended with the collapse of communism and the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1990 following a covert and long Cold War. With the fall of the Soviet Union, the US emerged as a super power, and changes occurred in the nature of global conflicts with a situation prevailing where civil wars were on the rise. The Uppsala Conflict Data Program (UCDP) draws attention to the fact that the number of wars and armed conflicts worldwide has indeed risen relatively sharply in recent years, from 32 in 2012 to 34 in 2013 and 52 in 2016. This is the highest level of armed conflicts since 1999. While non-state based conflicts have increased from 47 in 2013 to 62 in 2016, the events of September 11 and the resultant wars in Afghanistan and in Iraq have added a new dimension to the problem, with Islamist extremist doctrine related confrontations also evolving during this period.
The events of September 11 and recent acts of terrorism in London, Madrid, Sydney, Paris, Brussels, Berlin, and so on have also created a greater awareness of the modern political economy of war and the linkages between forced migrants, diaspora communities, human trafficking, criminal networks, money laundering, and the existence of international insurgent cells around the world. Moreover, it is obvious that a new multi-polar world order is in formation, as a resurgent Russia, China, Europe, India, and South Africa, along with other emerging great powers gain ground on the global stage. While several civil wars that commenced during the past decades have not come to an end, new civil wars, some of them related to terrorism such as El-Shahab in Somalia, Boko Haram in Nigeria, Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in Syria and Iraq and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan have started and are in fact still very much alive.
Samuel Huntingtonâs (1996) idea of âclash of civilizationsâ between the West and Islam, in that the Islamic world, which is now perceived as target, and not helper, in âthe war on terrorâ, has since the end of the Cold War, and in particular after 9/11, replaced the former âSoviet Unionâ as the new âuncivilizedâ enemy of the âcivilizedâ Western world (Shaw 2012, p. 510). However, what Huntington appeared to have ignored is the fact that both freedom of expression and freedom of religion are part of the universal human rights doctrine albeit they are often considered as Western Liberal values. Yet, Huntingtonâs prediction in his 1996 seminal study that âcultureâ is replacing âideologyâ as the new battle ground for global conflicts was all but ignored until the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US. Following the Paris terror attacks in November 2015, which claimed about 129 lives and dozens seriously injured, Pope Francis described this new war as the âThird World Warâ, which claimed yet another 38 lives in the terrorist attacks in Brussels on 22 March 2016 (Shaw 2017).
At the same time, there is an increasing number of conflicts between countries, as well as transnational risks and humanitarian disasters. The notion of a risk society is often limited to Ulrich Beckâs (2003) idea of âmanufactured uncertaintiesâ as they relate to invisible environmental issues such as climate change and biodiversity loss that have âshort and long term effects on plants, animals, and peopleâ. However, as Shaw (2016) argues, what has been ignored is the broader conceptualisation of risk beyond the parameters of âmanufactured uncertaintiesâ that lead to environmental disasters and other challenges. This includes those associated with indirect or invisible forms of violence such as absolute poverty, inequality, famine, forced migration, forced labour, modern slavery, human trafficking, racism, xenophobia, marginalisation or exclusion of minorities, disease, business risk, patriarchy and gender discrimination, religious discrimination, corruption, hate speech, unfair trade, and other insecurities. Shaw (2016) sees the broader conceptualization of risk and conflict to be therefore associated with indirect or invisible forms of violence, resonating with the conceptualization of conflict as invisible cultural (attitude) and structural forms of violence, which, if prevented or addressed, would avert direct political violence (behaviour). This resonates with Galtungâs ABC Conflict Triangle (Attitude, Behaviour, and Contradictions) (Galtung 1996, 2004).
The causes for conflicts and disputes occur and develop in accordance with the changes in the world order that occur periodically. This accentuates as to what extent the adherence to research and knowledge-based approaches is necessary in strategies for conflicts to be resolved.
In this context, there has been an increasing research interest in how human rights have become the core of peace-making and peacebuilding strategies. Studies of the relationship between human rights and conflict resolution show how the change of transformation between these two concepts has taken place over the years from tension to cooperation. The tension existed because of the nature and methods used to address the underlying issues. For example, contradictory, or even mutually exclusive, approaches were used differently to address problems of human rights and peace. However, it has been realised that safeguarding and fostering human rights and peace requires an approach that incorporates the perspectives of both human rights advocates and conflict resolution practitioners. Moreover, recent research has drawn attention to the power and capacity of the media to be the promoter and guardian of human rights, and thus be a preferred partner of the peace-making process worldwide. Yet, the September 11, 2001 terrorist attack in the US fundamentally changed the worldâs handling of terrorism and civil conflicts. This can be said to have been the contemporary beginning of an âUsâ versus âthemâ binary largely communicated through the media. The world has witnessed numerous terror attacks since the 9/11 terrorist attack and the way these attacks have been represented in the media have undoubtedly reinforced hostile perceptions and attitudes towards âotherâ cultures and the peoples who live in some distant countries (Shaw 2012).
Despite criticism of mediaâs capacity for setting the agenda for policy makers to address or prevent humanitarian crisis, some studies (Livingston 1997; Wolfsfeld 1997; StrömbĂ€ck 2008; Davis 2010; Shaw 2012; Cottle 2013; Robinson 2013) have highlighted the power and ability of the media to shape policy responses to humanitarian crises and violent conflicts. The theoretical and empirical reflections in the chapters in this volume underline the role and responsibility of the media to construct the reality of conflict situations, human rights violations, and underlying causes, and to construct options for peacebuilding and human rights interventions in conflict and post-conflict societies in a legitimate and appropriate manner.
The protection and promotion of human rights through the media are embedded in two international human rights documents: (1) Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) and (2) Article 19(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). It is on this basis that activities such as exposing information on human rights violations, rallying up the human rights organisations, strengthening civil society participation, and enhancing tolerance and social cohesion are expected from the media. This makes us realise the necessity for strengthening Track II Diplomatic Activities locally and internationally by extending activities for creating discourse on âHuman Rights and Peaceâ by media research institutions, beyond undertaking just academic activities. It will be of great benefit if media research institutions undertake research, training, and knowledge management activities in coordination with other Non-Governmental Organisations, including the UN, which undertakes Track II Diplomatic Activities, and translate their research into action-oriented projects.
In his ground-breaking book on Human Rights Journalism, Shaw (2012, pp. 46â47) warns that âif journalism is to play any role in society, it should focus on deconstructing the underlying structural causes of political violence such as poverty, famine, exclusion of minorities, youth marginalisation, human trafficking, forced labour, forced migration and the likeârather than merely the attitudes and behaviours of the elite that benefit from direct and uncensored violenceâ. Yet, as Shaw (2012) argues, while there is increasing research on the role of the media in the reporting of human rights in conflict and non-conflict situations, there is very limited research on the role of the media in addressing and preventing human rights violations within a just peace and peacebuilding framework. It is the aim of this book to address this scholarly deficit.
This book focuses on the reporting of human rights in times of conflict broadly defined. It brings together in one volume scholarly and professional ideas on the role of media in constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in conflict and post-conflict transformation and development drawing on case studies from Europe, Latin America, the Middle East, Africa, and South Asia. This book also provides critical reflections on the challenges and obstacles faced by journalists working in traditional and new media in upholding the international human rights norms and addressing justice and accountability issues, as well as their implications for constructing human rights and peacebuilding options in their day-to-day professional activities.
The volume is a meeting ground of ideas and approaches in the form of research papers that identify areas of convergence of media, human rights and conflicts within a just peace framework. The chapters embrace a variety of theoretical, empirical, and methodological approaches, including critical, interpretive, social scientific, and pragmatic. They provide critical perspectives on the prospects and shortcomings of traditional practices of reporting human rights and conflicts. They also provide unpretentious ideas, outlooks and information to foster understanding of the underlying conflict dynamics, and stimulate appropriate action for peace and human rights protection. As Shaw (2012, p. 2) puts it âJournalists not only hold the power to inform the public, connect people in different parts of the world, but more importantly, have the moral responsibility to educate the public, increase awareness in its members of their rights and monitor, investigate and report all human rights violationsâ.
While the chapters in this volume will principally benefit undergraduate and postgraduate media and journalism students, scholars and communication experts working in conflict and humanitarian crises as well as journalists and other media professionals may also find them useful in their work.
The contributors to this volume are among the leading voices in the field of media, conflicts, and human rights. Some of them, including the editors themselves, also have media industry experience. This book consists of four parts, each with four chapters, except Part III: Part IâMedia, Conflicts and Humanitarian Interventions; Part IIâMediating Human Rights, Democracy and Terrorism; Part IIIâHuman Rights Reporting: Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding; and Part IVâThe Challenges of Reporting Human Rights and Conflicts in the Digital Age.
Part IâMedia, Conflicts and Humanitarian Interventions: This part focuses on the power of the media to influence foreign policy decision making to respond to humanitarian crisis and engage in peacebuilding activities. The first chapter, which is this introduction, provides the research and policy background of the role of the media in the promotion and protection of human rights in conflict situations. The second chapter written by Ibrahim Seaga Shaw and Senthan Selvarajah introduces the constructivist epistemological standpoint for the advancement of Human Rights Journalism. They argue that if âtruthâ is the highest goal for a journalist, the practice of Human Rights Journalism, as a ârights basedâ approach is viable and effective within the critical constructivist epistemology, which allows a journalistâs intellect to be the guide to understand the issues and uncover the truth through a diagnostic process. Philip Hammond, Sumaya Al Nahed and Tara McCormack, in Chap. 3, provide an important insight into the understanding of how the Western propaganda machine is centred on the âWhite Helmetsâ to shore up the mainstream narrative and delegitimise dissent in the Syrian conflict. They show how the so-called Syrian Civil Defense, known commonly as the âWhite Helmetsâ, is presented as a campaign for peace, humanitarianism, and protection of civilians and is actually part of a larger effort at bringing about regime change and escalating war. Chapter 4 contributed by Mathew Charles explores the journalism emerging in what is presented as the alternative social (dis)order of Colombiaâs âafter warâ. It presents a âdivergent news ecologyâ, based on an ethnographic study of one of Colombiaâs âspaces of de...