Indian Women as Entrepreneurs

An Exploration of Self-Identity

Payal Kumar

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2016
• Print ISBN: 9781137602589
• eBook ISBN: 9781137602596
• Topic: Business
• Subtopic: Business General
• Index: Business

This unique edited collection explores the ways in which entrepreneurship acts to shape self-identity for Indian women and validate their identities in a patriarchal society. Differing from existing literature which focuses on the antecedents of entrepreneurship for women and their performing outcomes, Indian Women as Entrepreneurs questions whether entrepreneurship is simply about exploiting a business opportunity for profitability. Asserting that both work and societal environments have an impact on an entrepreneur's self-identity, this book demonstrates ways in which self-concept influences the entrepreneur's relationship with their work in terms of motivation, effort and performance. Building on Unveiling Women's Leadership, this book provides an original and important contribution to the literature on entrepreneurial Indian women.   

Part I
The Indian Narrative

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s) 2016

Payal Kumar (ed.)Indian Women as Entrepreneurs10.1057/978-1-137-60259-6_1

Begin Abstract

1. Interplay Between Individual and Shared Identities of Women Entrepreneurs in Manipur

Bisoya Loitongbam¹ and Priyatam Anurag²

(1)

Doctoral scholar at the Department of Economics, XLRI Jamshedpur, Jamshedpur, 831001, India

(2)

Doctoral scholar at Department of Corporate Strategy & Policy, IIM Bangalore, Bilekahalli, 560076, Karnataka, India

Abstract

The second largest women’s market in Asia, in the heart of Imphal town, Manipur, is known as Ima Keithel (literally, a market run by mothers). This chapter explores how the co-location of a large number of women entrepreneurs helps to sustain entrepreneurial activity well into their old age. The narratives of 12 women entrepreneurs at different life stages show the market to be an integral part of their sense of both self and shared identity, helping to maintain their self-respect, self-trust, self-worth, and a positive outlook on life. This study has several important implications for planners in creating an enabling environment for entrepreneurs in an informal economy within a patriarchal context.

End Abstract

Introduction

Women in the informal economy practice entrepreneurship in situations of extreme vulnerability (Chen, Vanek, & Carr, 2004). Despite decades of research on the informal economy, we do not know how they—in spite of their vulnerabilities—maintain their autonomy and sustain their enterprise over a long period of time. Structuralist theory would have us believe that they are products of “marginalization dynamics” and therefore “necessity entrepreneurs” (Geertz, 1963). Empirical findings, however, contradict this portrayal. Women entrepreneurs in the informal sector in India, for example, are reported to enjoy decent living conditions and earnings and are seen to be positive about the future and happy with their current work status (Williams & Gurtoo, 2011).

Liberal theory, on the other hand, portrays these entrepreneurs as individualistic rational decision makers (Jütting & Laiglesia, 2009). However, some research suggests that women entrepreneurs in the informal sector report family commitments, and not the pursuit of their individualistic goals, as the most important trigger for entrepreneurship which contradicts the assumption of “individualistic orientation” by the liberals (Dawson & Henley, 2012).

Similarly, the use of “push” and “pull” motivation typology (Amit & Muller, 1995) for entrepreneurship is rooted in the assumption of individualistic human behaviour. Within this categorization, a woman pursuing self-employment to meet family expectations is viewed less favourably. However, recent research suggests that this classification is ambiguous as entrepreneurs often explain their motivation as a combination of push and pull factors (Dawson & Henley, 2012). Further, interpreting family commitment in a “push” and “pull” conceptualization is tardy as the narration of such motivation is, in essence, a social account—the motivation is not personal or individualistic in its orientation. In what appears to be a force fitting of an essentially social account of motivation for entrepreneurship to an individualistic framework, researchers popularly interpret this as “need for flexibility” and categorize it as a “push” toward entrepreneurship, implying an involuntariness of choice.

“Push and Pull classification,” therefore, ignores the substantive content of motivation for entrepreneurship. This is especially so in the context of women entrepreneurship in the informal sector in India where the social or collectivistic account is an important narrative (Kumar & Srinivasan, 2014).

As an alternative conception, we use and elaborate upon the framework of “recognitional autonomy” proposed by Anderson and Honneth (2004). This philosophical framework deals with the problem of activating the autonomy of vulnerable individuals. Anderson and Honneth argue that individualistic account is suitable for persons who have little need for social cooperation. For the majority, personal autonomy requires enabling conditions and resources to be able to translate their aspiration for freedom into reality. Entrepreneurs, especially in a resource-constrained environment, use social capital and social networks for resource acquisition and opportunity recognition (Jamali, 2009; Sarasvathy, 2001). The theory posits that autonomy is not absence of any constraints and individuals can voluntarily accept those that they hold central to their pursuit of meaningful life, which includes “forms of attachment that are authentic even though they cannot easily be shed, such as parent’s bond with their children” (Anderson & Honneth, 2004, p. 130). This assertion is especially relevant in the case of women entrepreneurs as they juggle between various roles and identities, and the presence of dependencies may otherwise be thought of as signalling marginalization dynamics.

The primary tenet of the theory is summarized in the claim that “autonomy is a capacity that exists only in the context of social relations that support it and only in conjunction with the internal sense of being autonomous” (Anderson & Honneth, 2004, p. 129). The theory posits three important enabling conditions for the exercise of autonomy. First, a presence of legally institutionalized relations for respect for autonomy and dignity of a person prevents practices and institutions which express attitudes of denigration and humiliation. Deprecation makes it difficult for individuals to exercise autonomy as they threaten the individual’s perception of self-worth. Second, close relations of love and friendship enable self-trust as openness and freedom of one’s social context makes it possible to engage with his or her deepest feelings openly and critically, which is central to the exercise of autonomy. Finally, a presence of networks of solidarity enables a sense of self-worth and self-value which evolves from a shared meaning of the former, often in contravention to the views of those who use deprecating expressions.

We explore the application of the theory of recognitional autonomy in the context of a women’s only market—Ima Keithel (literally, “Mother’s Market”) in Manipur in India. According to the sociological view of markets, markets are socially embedded; that is, markets are constructed in culturally specific ways. They are controlled or organized by particular social groups or classes and have specific connections to other institutions, social processes, and structures (Granovetter, 1985; Vidal & Peck, 2012). Markets, therefore, shape important institutional circumstances for the exercise of autonomy which makes it an especially relevant context for our study.

Situating Ima Keithel in the Gender Context of India and Manipur

Ima Keithel, also known as “Khwairamband Bazaar,” is a large, crowded market in the heart of Imphal, the capital city of Manipur. It is the work place for about 4000 women entrepreneurs, who together control the supply chain of products as diverse as indigenous varieties of food items to products of cottage industry such as handloom and handicrafts (Prasain, Monsang, & Haokip, 2014). The market is among the largest and oldest women’s markets in Asia, and is run and managed exclusively by women. It has a legacy of more than 400 years. A report on the market chronicling its history describes its importance to the local society:

The term “market” is in fact highly inadequate to describe what Ima Keithel is and the role it plays in the local economy, culture, and society. Ima Keithel is the site for the affirmation of women’s control over the production, the use, and the management of production and consumption patterns. The market is a society, an institution, a way of life. (Emphasis added)¹

Ima Keithel is easily one of a kind, a place where such a large ensemble of women handles a massive volume of the economy (Barua & Devi, 2004). A market such as this is extremely rare in the largely patriarchal Indian society where women tend to lose their self-confidence and agency in pursuing economic opportunities owing to numerous constraints (Ramanathan, 2004). There are only a few successful examples of women-run enterprises in the informal economy in India, including the Shri Mahila Griha Udyog Lijjat Papad and Self Employed Women’s Association.

In contrast to mainstream Indian society, women have traditionally enjoyed high social status in Manipur, Grimwood (1891, p. 59) elaborates on this contrast: “The Manipuris do not shut up their women, as is the custom in most parts of India, and are much more enlightened and intelligent in consequence.” Similarly, E.W. Dun in a 1886 Gazette observed of women’s role in the local economy: “All the marketing is done by the women, all the work of buying and selling in public, carrying to and fro of articles to be sold, whilst at home, they are busy employed in weaving and spinning” (Barua & Devi, 2004, p. 129).

However, with greater integration into mainstream Indian culture, society in Manipur has transformed from its indigenous roots to a form of Brahamanical Hindu (Vaishnavite) society. With sanskritization (Srinivas, 1956), the society in Manipur now represents patriarchy in disguise—a society where women are burdened with expectations of managing economic as well as household responsibilities amidst constraints and biases of a patriarchal structure. Insurgency and low intensity conflict prevalent in the state since the 1980s have further intensified women’s struggle. Kumar et al. (2007, p. 66) highlight the psychological trauma that a woman in Manipur lives through in times of conflict: “Any time, any one of your relatives or even yourself, or your own house or locality, can be a target. And you cannot sleep until all your family members return safely to the house.” As economic avenues for men generally shrink in an armed conflict situation, the woman’s share of economic responsibilities increased manifold, which makes it challenging for them to balance and maintain multiple roles.

Amidst these socioeconomic and political transformations, the Keithel has been a prominent centre of political activism in the state apart from being the proverbial spine of its economic structure.² Kumar et al. (2007, p. 67) note, “As Keithels also serve as a platform to launch any form of protest, agitation or movement, their normal operation is severely affected. In response to agitation, the government usually imposes Keithel bandhs. Curfews, general strikes and shootouts, carried out by various insurgent groups, have also affected the Keithels.” Despite debilitating circumstances and economic hardships, women entrepreneurs in the market have maintained their entrepreneurial autonomy which makes it an interesting case for studying the sustenance of enterprise in a situation of extreme vulnerability. Through the case of this woman-only market, we get to explore the dynamics of enabling institutions and maintenance of entrepreneurial autonomy among wom...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Frontmatter
• 1. The Indian Narrative
• 2. The Diaspora Narrative
• 3. Case Studies
• Backmatter