Saudi Arabia: Recent History
The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is an Arab Moslem country located in the south-west corner of Asia. It covers most of the Arabian Peninsula and has a strategic geographic location with beaches stretching along the Red Sea in the west and the Arabic/Persian Gulf in the east. The Gulf littoral is shared with the smaller Gulf States. Saudi Arabia’s southern neighbour is Yemen. Its northern neighbours are Jordan and Iraq.
The House of al Saud has been the main ruling dynasty on the Arabian Peninsula since 1744. This was when a charismatic Sunni preacher, Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab (1702–1792), inspired the Saudi king with his purified version of Islam thereby (so legend goes) enabling the al Sauds to unite or conquer most other tribes on the peninsula and repel invaders (for a full political history of the Kingdom, see Lacey 2010). The Ottomans formally incorporated all the Middle East into their empire but never controlled more than the Arabian Peninsula’s coastal regions.
The present-day Saudi state was formally created by Britain in 1932. After 1918, Britain and France had taken over from the Turks as the region’s formal administrators. At that time, there was no serious suggestion that independence should await democratisation. Britain passed sovereignty to whoever were regarded as the traditional and de facto rulers. Two states, Saudi Arabia and the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, had the names of their rulers in the countries’ official titles. The smaller Gulf States—Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman and the states that have combined into the United Arab Emirates (Abu Dhabi, Ajma, Dubai, Fujairah, Ras al-Khaimah and Umm al-Quwain)—were handed to their de facto rulers. Yemen was (and still is) a problem. Its situation on the southern coast gave it a location on trade routes that once made it the peninsula’s most prosperous and advanced region, but the Turks, who never controlled more than the coastal area, described Yemen as ‘a country without a lord.’ In 1839, the British captured the port of Aden and managed to negotiate ‘protection and friendship’ agreements with nine separate surrounding tribes. Post-1918 agreements with interior tribes eventually divided the territory into North and South Yemen which were united only in 1990, but the Sana’a-based government has never controlled its entire territory. One division is between Sunni and Shiite tribes, a religious split that occurred close to the birth of Islam. Around two-thirds of Yemen’s population are Sunni. The ruling regime was Sunni until 2014 when the Houthis, a Shiite tribe, seized Sana’a.
In 1932, the al Sauds faced the problem of unifying their huge country. The al Sauds had been the traditional rulers of the Nedj (today’s Central Province) but not the rest of the post-1932 Kingdom. The al Sauds needed to promote a nationwide Saudi identity, and by the 1950s, nation building could be considered accomplished (see Al Rasheed 2013). This was achieved through national newspapers and radio (and subsequently television), a national system of education (for boys) with a national curriculum, and a public dress code that still makes Saudis recognisable the world over. Women are veiled in hijabs or burqas and their bodies are covered by black abayas. Men wear a white thoub and a red-checked kaffiyah as head gear. The state also spread its Wahhabi version of Islam throughout the country’s mosques. This was part of a deliberate attempt to make Saudi Arabia the most pious among all Moslem countries, which seemed appropriate, given its guardianship of Islam’s two holiest sites, Mecca and Medina.
Most Saudis are Sunnis, but the country has a Shiite minority, 10–15% of the population. They are present throughout the Kingdom but are concentrated in the Eastern province where most oil reserves are also located, and close to Iran, the largest and most powerful Shiite-majority Moslem state. Saudi’s Shiites complain about discrimination. They are excluded from important government posts. There are no Shiite heads of educational institutions. The demands in a petition issued by the Shiite Sheikh Nimr al-Nimr were for equal rights: specifically, equal access to all types of employment, equal treatment in education (preferably in Shiite schools), and equal status for and access to Shiite holy shrines. The regime was unresponsive. Hence, al-Nimr’s call for revolution. Sunnis in Saudi Arabia suspect Shiites of disloyalty. Shiites claim that they are loyal Saudi citizens, that where they live is their homeland, and that they merely want equal rights for their faith (Murphy 2013). Saudi Arabia’s Shiites will protest in the face of what they experience as extreme provocation, like beheading Nimr al-Nimr on 2 January 2016, and the suppression by Saudi troops of Shiite protestors against their Sunni rulers in Bahrain during the Arab Spring in 2011. Shiite protests have been non-violent. Those killed and injured have been victims of violence by Saudi security forces and sentences by law courts.
The al Saudi regime’s hostility to Iran is not due solely to its ‘heretical’ Shiite version of Islam, or rival historical claims to custody of Islam’s holiest sites. Iran’s Shiite Islam gives ultimate political authority to a Grand Ayatollah. The Saudi regime is implacably opposed to all forms of political Islam including Egypt’s Moslem Brotherhood. The al Sauds do not want religious rivals contesting the hereditary monarch’s monopoly of political power. The al Sauds’ other problem with Iran is the democratic features of the latter’s politics—its elected president and Majlis (parliamentary legislative assembly). The al Sauds want their people’s representatives to be available for consultation, not rivals for power.
Saudi Arabia’s rules on sex segregation and its treatment of women were part of the post-1932 nation-building agenda. These rules pre-date the 1970s when, as the population moved into cities, enforcement of the rules was strengthened. In the desert and in villages, the sexes had not been rigidly segregated, and dress codes had followed tribal customs. The fear in the 1970s was that in cities, with their mass populations, traditional family and community controls would weaken, so the state and its agents needed to step in. Women had to remain the pure, protected sex. The protection is primarily through male guardianship. Up to now, women have been able to travel and to work only with permission from their guardians. Until 2018, women were not allowed to drive: this ...