Few periods in the Labour Partyâs history intrigue the British political imagination more than the years leading up to the 1983 general election. Routinely characterised as a time when ownership of Labour fell into the hands of its hard left, the lasting impression has been one of a party signing its suicide note before an electorate increasingly bewildered by its âloony leftâ excesses. As subsequent Labour leaders have come to appreciate, almost nothing is seen as more politically damaging than their association with the dismal memory of June 1983, when electoral disaster apparently succeeded a progressive, decade-long over-indulgence in left-wing nostrums. For many on the Conservative right, meanwhile, Labour policies which deviate from the âpro-marketâ New Labour approach established since the 1990sâparticularly with regard to public ownershipâare to be condemned as threats to take Britain âback to the 1970sâ, to a time of crisis and uncertainty seen as a direct consequence of a socialist mismanagement in government.1
Among some sections of the left, however, an alternative narrative has also emerged, defending aspects of the Labour leftâs agenda in those years as viable responses to economic crisis. One account endorses the Labour leftâs economic strategy, points to Tony Bennâs âcrucial and at times heroic roleâ in challenging the âBritish establishmentâ, upholds Labourâs âsocial contractâ and the union leadersâ role in maintaining it, while commending the self-restraint shown by British workers in the face of capitalist crisis.2 Other commentators have also sought to ârevisitâ Labourâs 1970s strategy in favourable terms3; and, with the rise of Labourâs Jeremy Corbyn in 2015, âOld Labour, not New Labourâ appears to have become a slogan among those on the British left seeking to recapture some of the radicalism in Labourâs politics in the 1970s and early 1980s.4 Indeed, with âCorbynismâ, the politics of that period have been presented as something of a benchmark, a standard of Labour-left radicalism against which to measure the radicalism of Corbynâs agenda.
While the Labour leftâs politics of the 1970s and early 1980s expressed support for a variety of causesâfeminism, anti-racism, anti-militarism, unilateral nuclear disarmamentâat the heart of its agenda was the Alternative Economic Strategy (AES), its programme of economic reforms that informed the Labour Partyâs official economic platform between 1973 and 1983. With support and input from the Communist Party of Great Britain, left-wing trade-union leaders, left-wing economists and sections of the New Left, the AES was the rallying point for the bulk of British socialism. Demanding economic reflation, import controls, price controls, public ownership in profitable firms and sectors, compulsory planning agreements, industrial democracy and a withdrawal from the European Economic Community (EEC), the AES presented itself as a radical and, at times, even a revolutionary response to the deep crisis of British capitalism. This self-justification by the AES, at the level of its policy and rhetoric, has played an important role in the Labour leftâs subsequent representation as a radical force in this period of Britainâs post-war historyâby political lore, the contemporary left and, as discussed below, the academic literature.
The aim of this book, therefore, is to determine the extent to which the AES has been mischaracterised. Focusing on the political and theoretical ideas of the strategy, it questions the predominant view in the academic literature that the AES represented a radical left-wing break with the moderate, revisionist politics that dominated Labourâs approach in the two decades after the Second World War. Locating the rise of the AES in its historical context, it examines the political ideas with which the prominent proponents of the AES responded to Britainâs economic crisis and the concurrent breakdown of the post-war âKeynesian consensusâ. It aims to show that the AES was characterised by a high degree of involvement with radical left-wing ideas, and that several of its key advocates sought to justify their strategy through the language and theoretical frameworks of Marxist theory. However, through an examination of AES approaches to socialist strategy, the capitalist economy, Britainâs economic decline and the rise of class conflict, the book also argues that existing academic accounts have significantly overstated the radicalism of the strategy. What was perhaps more notable about the AES, especially in the light of its stated ârevolutionaryâ aims, was the extent of its moderationâits continuities with post-war Labour revisionism, its marked reluctance to look beyond the market economy, the degree of its preoccupation with Britainâs global-economic status, and its inability to break with Labourist politics of class co-operation in the national interest. While the book will argue that the AES was the last mainstream political strategy in Britain identifiable as a âclass politicsâ socialist initiative, it will also point to some of the ways in which its ideas perhaps prepared the way for New Labour in the 1990s.
Prominent Academic Views on the AES
The academic literature has tended to emphasise the left-wing radicalism of the AES. According to Tomlinson, the AES ârepresented a violent break with the whole of post-war British approaches to economic policyâ.5 Seyd argues along similar lines: the 1970s saw a âradical rethinking of the Partyâs previous commitmentsâ.6 Thompson argues that the AES ârepresented, au fond, a fundamental challenge to the ethos, principles and practice of capitalismâ,7 and that âthe overarching macroeconomic rationale of Keynesian social democracy came in for a severe pounding from the [AES] Leftâ.8 According to Shaw, Labourâs 1983, AES-derived general-election manifesto was âhighly ambitiousâ and âstuffed with left-wing ideasâ.9 For Panitch and Leys, the AES marked an attempt to break with Labourist tradition: it wanted to âpull the party out of the failed patterns of its past behaviourâ, and its development belonged to âa broader attempt on the part of a remarkably creative British Marxist leftâŠto transcend the limits of both Labourist parliamentarism and Trotskyist and Leninist vanguardismâ.10 According to Cronin, Labourâs 1973 party programme âmade clear the new, or recently clarified, polarisation of British politics and called for a dramatic shift of power and wealth to working people and a major expansion of public ownershipâ.11 Although the arguments regarding the radicalism of the AES are often qualified, an underlying message has been that it represented a highly significant shift leftward in the Labour Party during the 1970s and early 1980s. As Jones argues, it âamounted to a clear repudiation of a revisionist social-democratic approach to economic strategyâ.12
An important work on the AES, its book-length study by Wickham-Jones, calls it an âextremely radicalâ strategy.
13 While the AES policy of
reflation was âconventionalâ, Wickham-Jones argues, its policies of
public ownership, economic planning,
price controls,
industrial democracy and
import controls were original, radical and innovative.
14 For Wickham-Jones, the radical nature of the AES is evidenced by what he sees as its
Marxist foundations:
The main theoretical influence for the argument about monopolisation was not Keynesian economics but Marxist in orientation. Elements of the theory such as the focus on the concentrated structure of the economy, the pressure on firms to maximise profits, and the role of classes and class conflict drew on Marxist economic analysis. It was not an orthodox Marxism but one which stressed the monopolistic nature of capitalism.15
The partyâs understanding of âeconomic developments owed more to Marx than Keynesâ.16 Labour âjettisoned the Keynesian social democracyâ which had previously characterised its economic strategy, for an economic theory based on a âmodified Marxismâ.17 Together with his association of the AES with Marxism, Wickham-Jones places it outside the reformist tradition. The AES was âfar removedâ in its content and objectives from Labourâs previous policy pronouncements, going beyond the âmoderation of reform...