The dividing line between the private and public lives of national-level candidates in modern political life has virtually vanished. In an era of social media, 24-hour cable news coverage, and rapidly changing journalistic norms candidates are evaluated on more than policy records and traditional qualifications for public office. They also are assessed on various aspects of their personal life. Whether they like it or not, candidates for high office in the United States, especially those individuals who aspire to the presidency, must confront the reality that they are judged in part by the company they keep, including family and personal friends. The individual closest to them, drawing the most scrutiny, is often their spouse.
Presidential candidate spouses are thrust into the public spotlight not because they are personally seeking a public platform or political power, but on the basis of a very private act of who they married. Former First Lady Laura Bush underscores the personal origins of the position of first ladies and would-be first ladies by remarking that āWe are elected by one manā (The White House, Office of First Lady 2014).
Despite the personal origins of would-be first ladies and first gentlemen, the position of presidential candidate spouse has become undeniably political and influential. While the spouses of candidates have long been active in their husbandsā campaigns for the White House, going as far back as the nineteenth century, it is only from 1992 on that presidential candidate spouses have come to play an especially prominent and strategic role in presidential campaigns (Vigil 2014). It has now become the norm for presidential candidate spouses to pursue highly visible, very active, and strategically crafted campaign schedulesāgiving speeches, raising money, and appealing to key voting blocs (Burrell 2001; MacManus and Quecan 2008; Wright 2016). The public pays close attention to the activities of candidate spouses, feeling that it is through their actions and statements that they can better understand the genuine character and essence of the presidential candidates. This visibility and attention sparks the interest of voters and puts the candidateās spouse under the microscope of the publicās gaze.
During her speech at the 2016 Democratic Convention, former First Lady Michelle Obama acknowledged how conscious she was of this scrutiny, even among the youngest Americans, remarking that āWith every word we utter, with every action we take, we know our kids are watching us. We as parents are their most important role models. And let me tell you, Barack and I take that same approach to our jobs as president and first lady because we know that our words and actions matter, not just to our girls, but the children across this country, kids who tell us I saw you on TV, I wrote a report on you for schoolā (Washington Post Transcript 2016).
The larger question that arises from Michelleās Obamaās recognition of this public spotlight is not only how young people view her as a role model, but also how the entire population views her and other spouses of candidates running for president. Why does the public view some presidential candidate spouses more favorably than others? What factors systematically underlie public perceptions of these high-profile figures as they carry out a role precariously situated between the public and private spheres? This book seeks to answer these fundamental questions through a multifaceted exploration of public opinion on would-be first ladies and gentleman over the past three decades, including an in-depth focus on candidate spouses in three key presidential elections: 1992, 2012, and 2016.
The period after the 2016 election and Michelle Obamaās eight years as first lady are particularly important times for assessing public opinion toward presidential candidate spouses. During the 2016 presidential election, Melania Trump and Bill Clinton proved to be major departures from typical candidate spouses, albeit in markedly different ways, much as Hillary Clinton was in 1992 by going beyond the more traditional surrogate role, making it clear she would have an active policy role in the White House. Assessing public opinion of candidate spouses from 1988 through 2016, as this book does, allows us to identify key areas of stability and change in Americansā attitudes toward candidate spouses as the public is confronted with presidential candidate spouses who not only offer different conceptions of the role, as was the case with Hillary Clinton in 1992, but also embody historic firstsāthe first African American spouse in the case of Michelle Obama, the first Mormon spouse in the case of Ann Romney, and the first male spouse in the case of Bill Clinton.
Presidential Candidate Spouses as Political Actors and Potent Symbols
At first glance it might not be obvious why a book on public opinion toward presidential candidate spouses is necessary. One might question whether public perceptions toward individuals aspiring for a position with no formal constitutional recognition is a wise investment of scholarly time and resources. Indeed, if voters are officially electing candidates for president and not the individuals they are married to, why should anyone care how citizens feel about them? This sentiment is certainly understandable. Despite these concerns, there are several notable reasons why scholars and other observers of American politics should want to know more about how the public evaluates the spouses of those candidates seeking the countryās highest elective office.
The first reason is that presidential candidate spouses are highly visible and effective political actors. Many candidate spouses throughout history have taken part in presidential campaigns, but since the modern era of candidate-centered rather than party-centered campaigns their role has become even more vital and prominent (Burrell 2001). It is now typical for the spouses of candidates to make hundreds of appearances during presidential campaigns, to headline fundraisers, and to receive intense media attention in both news outlets and entertainment-oriented venues (MacManus and Quecan 2008; Stokes 2005). Candidate spouses have become important and prominent surrogates for the presidential candidates on the campaign trail (Burrell 2001). Thus, the public has many opportunities to learn about and develop views on the candidate spouses.
In her 2016 book, On Behalf of the President, political scientist Lauren Wright offers compelling empirical evidence that candidate spouses are not only prominent campaign surrogates, but are actually the most valuable presidential campaign asset. Candidate spouses are effective surrogates for a variety of reasons. One is that candidate spouses have the ability to āgo personalā in a way no other campaign surrogates can (Wright 2016). Candidate spouses are uniquely positioned to draw on intimate, familial, and day-to-day experiences to give the nation a sense of who the candidate is as a person, as a father or as a mother, as a husband or as a wife, and in many other aspects of their life outside of the publicās view. Thus, candidate spouses can vouch for the candidateās suitability to be president in ways no other campaign surrogate can.
There are numerous examples in recent history of these personal testimonials, a few of which are highlighted here. Ann Romney was credited with humanizing her husband, Republican presidential nominee Mitt Romney, during the 2012 presidential campaign. Mitt Romney had extensive credentials and leadership experience, but many observers questioned whether he could relate to the everyday challenges of Americans, due to his enormous wealth and his familyās political connections. In her 2012 Republican Convention speech, Ann Romney spoke about how she met Mitt Romney at a school dance, why she fell in love with him, and how they had a real marriage and faced real problems together including her battles with multiple sclerosis (MS) and breast cancer. She concluded her speech by saying that similar to Mitt Romney bringing her safely home from the school dance, he would take America to a better place. She used her intimate knowledge of Mitt Romney as a suitor and a husband to make him seem more likeable and relatable to the public (Vigil 2014).
Melania Trump struck a similar tone in her infrequent campaign appearances on behalf of her husband Donald Trump . On November 3, 2016, before a crowd in the swing state of Pennsylvania, Melania Trump stated, āI come here today to talk about my husband, Donald, and his deep love and respect for this country, and all of its people. I have come here to talk about this man I have known for 18 years. And I have come here today, to talk about our partnership, our family, and what I know for sure in my heart about this man, who will make America great againā (Zorthian 2016). During the campaign, Melania Trump also drew on her personal knowledge of her husband to counter allegations that Donald Trump had sexually harassed women.
The 2016 election demonstrated that the role of humanizing presidential candidates is not a task relegated to female spouses only. On the contrary, Bill Clinton played a similar role during his wifeās presidential campaign. As Lauren Wright describes it, Bill Clinton attempted to do for his spouse, Hillary Clinton, āwhat first ladies have done for decades: reveal the human face of the candidate through charming anecdotes and personal informationā (Wright 2016, 8). During his Democratic Convention speech, he shared an anecdote about when he and Hillary dropped off their daughter, Chelsea, at college for the first time. āThere I was, in a trance, just staring out the window trying not to cry and there was Hillary on her hands and knees, desperately looking for one more drawer to put the liner paper in. Finally, Chelsea took charge and told us ever-so-gently that it was time for us to go. So, we closed a big chapter in the most important work of our lives. As you will see Thursday night, when Chelsea speaks, Hillary has done a pretty fine job of being a mother.ā In this speech, Bill Clinton shed light on the personal side of Hillary Clinton that n...