The project of recovering a âmaterial psychologyâ from Bernard Shawâs writingâand of deploying related theoretical insights in assessing the nature of affect in his novels and thought more generallyânecessitates articulations between four discourses that are often considered separately and are more than sufficiently complicated in their own right: economics, psychology, affect theory, and, perhaps surprisingly, performance studies. In addition, when juxtaposed to each other and pressed into the service of critical exegesis, these discourses might lead to even greater confusion. For these reasons, I want to take a moment, first, to outline the premises of this undertaking and then, second, to deploy Shawâs 1905 story âThe Theatre of the Futureâ as a primer for the readings that follow. As the title Bernard Shawâs Novels, Material Psychology, and Affect indicates, my focus throughout, however much it might stray, is primarily on the five novels that Shaw wrote between 1879 and 1883, not long after his arrival in London in the spring of 1876. However, if Nature abhors a vacuum so, too, do Shavians. So, before engaging Shawâs novels, this chapter and the one that follows consider intellectual work at the fin de siècle as a context within which they were written, paying particular attention to the relationships between materialism and subjectivity in the so-called âmarginalâ economics to which Shaw was exposed in the 1880s and in the magnum opuses of two of Shawâs contemporaries: Georg Simmelâs The Philosophy of Money (1900) and Sigmund Freudâs The Interpretation of Dreams (1900).1 Implicit in my argument is the conviction that Shaw contributed to an extant discourse on the affective dimensions of capital and exchangeâwhich, in turn, through the process of âsurrogationâ inform notions of value and the myriad performances inherent to both social life and identity2âand that by foregrounding his insights we might better understand the relationship between subjectivity and materialism in Shawâs writing. This investigation includes, therefore, an examination of his ambivalence about perhaps the most vexed, yet semiotically resonant of all material objectsâmoneyâa topic that Shaw seemed never to tire of discussing, as several of his last plays amply demonstrate. In much of what follows, however, Shaw the accomplished playwright and public figure yields center stage to a younger, more conflicted writer, although the celebrated older man hovers backstage, emerging on occasion to seize the spotlight of our attention.
A critical genealogy of the subjectivity of this more conflicted Shaw might begin with two conjoined matters: his views of money and the psychical effects of poverty, particularly on human subjects with familial backgrounds like his.3 Both issues inform Frank Harrisâs Bernard Shaw: An Unauthorised Biography Based on Firsthand Information (1931), which in many respects, given Shawâs participation in funneling information to Harris as he was preparing the book and correcting its proofs afterHarrisâs death in August, 1931, might at the very least be retitled an âauthorizedâ biography.4 In any case, Harris establishes the relationship between poverty and intense feeling almost from the beginning, as its early chapters, much like several in Shawâs later Sixteen Self Sketches (1949), concern Shawâs boyhood in Dublin and the etiology of his âfierce hatred of poverty.â I am less interested in origins, though, than in Harrisâs intimation that terms like âhatredâ and âpovertyâ fail to capture the complexity of the matter. For although as a child Shaw did not suffer the privation of hunger, Harris observes, he could not be spared the âwounds and limitations of chronic impecuniosity and the senseless falsehood of pretending to a superior social rank with less than half the income needed to make the pretence [sic] good.â5
Harrisâs phrase âchronic impecuniosityâ conveys more than the term âpovertyâ ever could, I think, as this condition afflicted both the adolescent and older Shaw in ways that transcend material hardship. In this formulation, Harris connects materiality with a compulsory role-playing that exacerbated Shawâs pain every time he was required to participate in the mummeries that constituted genteel interaction. Shaw writes about his discomfiture in letters of the 1870s and 1880s, a period he recalls in the 1921 Preface to his first novel Immaturity (1879/1930) complete with memories of feeling âuseless,â âworthless,â and âpenniless.â As the following pages attempt to delineate, a causal relationship emerges in Shawâs writing between these very adjectives: that is, one often feels worthless or useless precisely because one is penniless (and an opposite feeling of elation at times attends a characterâs financial success). Shawâs Preface to Immaturity is replete with similar, if less devastating, recollections of being âpainfully shyâ and of feeling âafraid to accept invitationsâ (I, xxx). However, the matter is more convoluted than this, as Shaw admits that underlying his reticence to accept offers of introduction or social invitations was not only the conviction that they might lead to ânothing,â but also the âunspoken fear that they might lead to something I did not wantâ (xxx). These negative feelings rank among the most persistent consequences of his âchronic impecuniosity,â inflecting both his charactersâ psychical lives and Shawâs as well. When invited to pay social visits on Sunday evenings in London, for example, he suffered âagonies of shynessâ that led him to arrive as late as possible because he knew that interactions tantamount to âtorturingâ himself awaited (I, xlv). Such intense pains amount, in my view, to more self-defining âperennial wounds,â a trope borrowed from Michel Foucaultâs characterization of the transformative work of Friedrich Nietzsche, Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, and, as I hope to add, Bernard Shaw.6 Also, if Nietzscheâs claim in On the Genealogy of Morals (1887) is accurate that âsetting prices, determining values, contriving equivalences ⌠preoccupied the earliest thinking of man to so great an extent that in a certain sense they constituted thinking as such,â7 then one might also urge its constitutive importance to human subjectivity and feeling as well or, more modestly, to Shawâs subjectivity and that of many of his characters, particularly the protagonists of his novels.
One means of binding such woundsâincluding humiliation (Harrisâs term) and the continual âdreadâ of social interactions (Shawâs self-description)8âwould seem obvious: the acquisition of money. Unfortunately, as biographers from Harris and St. John Ervine to Michael Holroyd emphasize, Shawâs father, like his maternal grandfather, possessed little knowledge of how to earn or raise any.9 Not so with Shaw, however, as has been described by biographers and critics alikeâand by Shaw himself. While on holiday in 1895, for example, he received a request from American editor Benjamin Tucker to review Max Nordauâs Degeneration (1892), which by that time had created an international sensation. Tucker added a further enticement for Shaw to undertake the assignment by asking him to âascertain the highest price that has ever been paid to any man ⌠for a magazine articleâ and promising to pay him that amount, an offer Shaw puckishly described as evidence of âreally great editingâ on Tuckerâs part (MCE, 286). In his biography Harris, noting Shawâs reluctance to accept payment for public speaking or for appearing on radio broadcasts, similarly recalls that, some 20 years after Shaw eviscerated Nordauâs screed against modernity in his âopen letterâ to Tuckerâs magazine Liberty, William Randolph Hearst paid him âover a thousand pounds for an article.â10 But this sum might be deemed so much small beer, as substantial as it is. For in 1919 and after considerable epistolary haggling between Shaw and Hearstâs New York American over his fee for a series of articles, Hearst apologized for the misunderstanding and made certain that the unhappy essayist received ÂŁ2800 or the equivalent of $12,500 for his labors.11 In addition, even though Shaw privileged his writing for the theatre as essentially different from his âjournalisticâ work, one of his greatest American admirers, playwright Elmer Rice, was incredulous at Shawâs response to his request for permission for New Yorkâs University Settlement to stage a limited number of performances of The Shewing-up of Blanco Posnet (1909):
More generally, Rice was amazed at how âpreoccupiedâ writers like Shaw were with the âmerchandising of their wares,â a preoccupation to which Declan Kiberd alludes in The Irish Writer and the World (2005). Unlike European modernists, Kiberd notes, prominent writers associated with the so-called Irish Revival âdid not proclaim the need for eternal antagonism between bohemian and bourgeois.â He identifies Shaw in particular, who âwrote mainly for money and earned lots,â as providing the most compelling evidence for his thesis, as do the entrepreneurial endeavors of James Joyce and Oscar Wilde.13I have never ceased to marvel at the amount of time and energy expended, by a world famous dramatist, on the licensing of a production to an obscure amateur group.12
There exists, on the most literal level, ample justification for Kiberdâs aspersion of Shawâs motives for writing. From his earliest years in London, Shaw insisted on being paid for his work, and he was quick to reiterate his stance when the situation demanded it. In September 1879, after receiving a letter from G.R. Sims, editor of One and All, accepting an article but not including any payment for it, Shaw responded by asking if he could expect to be remunerated for sending any âfurther contributionsâ to the periodical (CL1, 21). He needed the money, as he confided in a letter the same month to Arnold White, manager and secretary of the Edison Telephone Company of London: âMy family are in difficultiesâ (CL1, 23). Two years later, after failing to find a publisher for Immaturity, he inquired of Remington and Company about the cost of printing the novel at his own expense. This plan, however, was soon beaten into âairy thinness,â much like the gold in John Donneâs âValediction Forbidding Mourning.â Learning that the required fee would be ÂŁ95, a sum far in excess of his meager savings, a discouraged Shaw addressed his own valedictory letter to the publisher that concluded, âLet me add that if it will not pay, I had rather it remained in MSâ (CL1: 43). Later, of course, Shaw engaged in more nuanced, even bumptious, disagreements with publishers over contracts and payments. In a 1909 letter to Constable and Company that begins bluntly with âWhen are you going to send me my money,â Shaw observed that âwith complete securityâ he might have invested the funds he is owed (over ÂŁ1600 by his estimation) at 4%, thus making Constableâs dilatory behavior more egregious and his financial loss greater; even worse, he had not been compensated for his own out-of-pocket expenses (CL2, 844). As his complaint confirms, Shawâs acumen in financial matters was evolving, as Gustavo A. RodrĂguez MartĂn underscores when citing Shawâs 1932 correspondence with his financial advisor, Stanley Clench, concerning the falling value of British currency, the establishment of a ÂŁ10,000 annuity payable to his wife, and his desire to avoid âdouble taxation.â14 Some decades earlier, however, Shawâs mother and sister, Lucy, who had immigrated to London before him, needed him to earn a living; and Shaw struggled to do just that. The investment potential of surplus or, what Anna Kornbluh terms, âfictitious capital,â the declining value of the pound, and the taxation of annuities seemed far from his mind.15
At this point, one might regard Shawâs early years of penury and frustration in London as unremarkable; after all, it might be argued, generations of Irish and other immigrants have suffered the same set of grinding deprivationsâand many still do. Millions of desperate people have fled and, sadly, continue to flee their home countries, as Shaw did, hoping to escape the âfailure,â âpoverty,â and âobscurityâ that awaited young men in Dublin only to experience more virulent strains of each in their new home (I, xxxvi). Yet, unlike many immigrants unable to speak the language of their new home or woefully ill-suited for the challenges of a modern economy, Shaw was entirely capable of assimilation, even if this capacity occasioned awkward, even painful social engagements. More seriously, as Anthony Roche observes in discussing Shaw and Oscar Wildeâs early years in London, as immigrants they both depended on othersâ âcontinuing goodwillâ and, in the last analysis, never occupied âa position of stability or security.â16 What makes Shawâs story more uniqueâand what adds complexity and texture to the etiology of âchronic impecuniosityââis that his successful acquisition of money was often not an entirely happy experience either. This is not merely my opinion, but Shawâs as well. In his 1914 lecture for the Fabian Society âThe Idolatry of Money and How to End It,â for example, ...
