With the growth of Islamic terrorism and the ensuing war on terror, the 24-hour news cycle, the internet and smartphones, attention to security is perhaps the most it has ever been. News on a security incident goes many times around the world in mini seconds. Political careers are made and destroyed on security matters. Businesses, governments, politicians and policymakers all over the globe thus pay keen attention to security. Unprecedented amounts of money continue to be spent on security. Indeed, the Watson Institute of International and Public Affairs at Brown University estimates that by the end of the fiscal year 2018, the USA would have spent 5.6 trillion dollars on wars in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan (Watson Institute for International & Public Affair 2017).
The rise of China (Asia in general) and a more assertive Russia (as seen in the case of Syria and Venezuela) had begun to test some national security assumptions which were taken for granted. The attention paid to Africa by a rising power such as China has stirred interest from other global powers especially Europe and the USA. The trade war now witnessed between Trumpâs America and China are bound to reflect on Africa as the worldwide supplier of raw materials which power the global economy. Indeed, China is now considered as a revisionist power by the USA. This means Chinaâs activities in Africa will increasingly be interpreted through a strategic lens. This may have severe national security implications on African states (as they are forced to choose between China and the West). The case of Huawei is one whose penetration is already deep in Africa (including African states considered US allies).
The exploitation of Africa by external powers has been a significant source of external security challenge. From slavery through colonisation to neo-colonisation, Africa was exposed to extreme exploitation and a hostile international environment. Recently, there have been arguments on âAfrica risingâ (though with many critics). It has some of the fastest growing economies in the world. The African middle class is expanding. By implication, national security for African states and regional security for African sub-regions is of prime importance to secure the economic and developmental gains made and provide a secure environment for economic and developmental progress. For Africa to rise, it must get national security right. Continuously investigating African security is, therefore, a worthy academic endeavour.
The world in general and Africa in particular is witnessing an increase in armed conflict of various forms (IMF 2019, 25). Africa has always been at the top of the charts as concerns conflict. However, in the 2000s, it witnessed a decrease in war. This trend has not been sustained as from 2010 conflict in the world, and Africa has been increasing. In fact, in 2010, there were 2200 conflict-related deaths in Africa. But from 2014 to 2018, the average war-related deaths stand at 14,000 a year (IMF 2019). This is lower than the levels seen in 1990 but signifies an increase from the levels seen in the 2000s. These figures show the continuous importance of studying African security (IMF 2019).
These realities of security, therefore, make a comprehensive (yet accessible) book on African security (firmly anchored in International Relations) an absolute necessity. This book aims to introduce African Security Studies as a sub-discipline of International Relations. It focuses on some of the theoretical debates and inherent security threats in Africa. Considering that African Security has thus far been studied from too many different perspectives, this book serves as the one place where the various topics in African Security are introduced. It hopes to serve the needs of emerging African security scholars.
A review of existing literature on security in Africa (which is not the essence of this book) gives an impression similar to the Indian fable of âBlind Men and the Elephantâ. As the blind men touch and feel a different part of the elephantâs body, their description of the elephant is limited to their experience. In effect, their description of the elephant is entirely different from each other. A holistic approach to African security has to emerge. This book hopes to contribute to that effort.
This book argues that to avoid such analysis, it is essential for efforts to be made to bring African security into the Security Studies as a sub-discipline of International Relations. This book is hoped to be a contribution to this effect by addressing the definition of the African state and security and providing a holistic framework for analysis. The continent is made up of 54 independent states, the majority of whom were formed at the end of European imperialism in Africa. As discussed above, the understanding of the African state and its place in international security studies is particularly nuanced. However, the geostrategic importance of Africa to global powers cannot be overemphasised.
Security Studies and Africa
Most African states have experienced few real external military threats from other countries. For Cameroon, for example, its long border with Nigeria has been its primary source of military threats. For many years, there was tension between Cameroon and Nigeria over the Bakassi Peninsula (UN, 2006). Nigeria, a major African state, except for this Bakassi case, faces little in real external threats from other countries. In general terms, most of the African regions (such as the Lake Chad Basin (LCB) region of Nigeria and Cameroon) fear no external threats from other states.
However, with the advent of Islamic terrorism, African states are increasingly facing armed groups emanating from outside their borders. The sophistication of some of these groups requires the full force of the military. While the probability of Nigeria invading Cameroon is very small, Boko Haram originating from Nigeria poses a significant military threat to Cameroon. This is similar to the case of Somalia and Kenya, where Al-Shabaab poses a threat to Kenya, but Somalia does not. These cases are repeated in the Sahel and North Africa in the case of Al-Qaeda in the Maghreb and the Islamic state. In general, non-state external sources of threats continue to grow in Africa.
Furthermore, in the Great Lakes region of central Africa, real threats emanating from other states continue to be a significant national security threat. Attacks of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) by Rwanda in the name of pursuing genocidaires are widely documented. Burundi continues to decry external intervention by its neighbours in its internal affairs. Besides, hydro-politics in the Nile Basin region holds significant potential for armed inter-state confrontations over disputes on the use of the Nile water.
While elements of traditional security have always been present in Africa, most traditional security scholarship ignores Africa. This book argues that African security can be explored from both tradition and broader perspectives. In effect, the discussion in this book theoretically underpinned the traditional, Copenhagen and human security approaches. In other words, the realists, constructivists and critical security studies. When issues such as poverty and underdevelopment are conceptualised as security (as done by the Human Security school), it is challenging to ignore Marxist perspectives in International Relations. The dependency theory and Wallersteinâs World System Analysis explain some of the structural difficulties faced by periphery states (of which most African nations are) in providing human security.
It is argued that the sectors of security espoused by the ...