Introduction
In terms of ageing, we are living in unprecedented times. People across the globe are living longer than ever before, and societies are ageing at increasing rates. In low- to middle-income countries, reductions in mortality at young ages have fuelled this growth. A person born today in Brazil, for example, can expect to live 20 years longer than someone born 50 years ago (WHO 2015). For the first time, life expectancy across the globe is over 60 years of age. In high-income countries, someone born now can expect to live up to around 80 years of age on average (ONS 2015). There are not simply a growing number of older people, but also a growing proportion of older people due to people living longer and declining birth rates in many countries. Across Europe, for example, people aged over 65 years will account for 29.5% of the population in 2060 compared to around 19% now (EUROSTAT 2017). The share of those aged 80 years or above across Europe will almost triple by 2060 (EUROSTAT 2017).
The macro-level demographics and associated trends mask big differences within ageing populations . There can be as much as 10 years difference in life expectancy within high-income countries, for example in the UK a baby boy born in Kensington and Chelsea has a life expectancy of 83.3 years, compared with a boy born in Glasgow who has a life expectancy 10 years lower (73.0 years) (ONS 2015). For newborn baby girls, life expectancy is highest in Chiltern at 86.7 years and 8 years lower in Glasgow at 78.5 years (ONS 2015; NRS 2016). There is also considerable variation within cities, spatially and socially.
This volume brings together contributions from a broad range of human geographers with different disciplinary perspectives of transport and ageing. This chapter outlines some of the key contemporary issues for an ageing society in terms of transport and mobility , highlights the importance of considering transport and mobility for ageing populations and outlines the contribution that a geographical approach can offer to studies of transport and ageing.
Older People and (Hyper) Mobility
In many ways, we are living in a hypermobile society. Humans have always been mobile, but the intensity and scale of contemporary mobility (Kwan and Schwanen 2016) are greater than in the past. We are traversing greater distances to reach destinations for work, shopping, to access services and health care and for recreation and simply to stay connected to people. We live further away from work and are more mobile than previous generations in terms of moving between jobs. We end up with many more connections to dispersed communities we wish to stay in contact with. Older populations today are more mobile for longer periods of time and in many cases have a high degree of leisure mobility ; for example, Andrews et al. (2007) discuss commodification of active ageing and mobile leisure practices for active retirees.
At the same time, due to the balance shifting from infectious diseases to chronic health conditions, there is suggestion that proportion of years of life spent in good health is falling (ONS 2017). Long-term health issues can reduce an individual’s ability to be mobile. Despite increases in mobility , in many countries, it is the oldest age group that face the biggest barriers to getting out and about. Older people can therefore face mobility deprivation, feel disconnected to society and be unable to do the things they want to simply because they are unable to get to these things. This disconnection can have wide-ranging physical and mental health implications. Reduced mobility can lead to other health problems such as obesity, heart conditions and increased falls risk.
Traversing large distances can be more difficult for us as we age. Physiology varies hugely between people, but declining eyesight, hearing, muscle strength and cognition can make mobility harder to achieve for many older people. Older people are much more likely than other age groups to spend more time close to home and in the local neighbourhood, especially after retiring from work (Baltes et al. 1999). In a hypermobile society, this home and neighbourhood area can feel quiet and neglected, as other age groups are out travelling to and from work and leisure, rather than engaging with the local area. Suburban neighbourhoods can be quiet places devoid of services and shops, a place that can feel quite empty for an older person. As in high income counties, city centres in low- to middle-income countries are gradually becoming the preserve of big business and the wealthy with ordinary families and older people moving away to the edges of city centres, dispersing social networks and connections and increasing distances needed to access services and shops. People who live in suburban areas, a decision which may have made sense earlier in life given they can offer more space for bringing up a family, tend to find themselves isolated in these ‘commuter communities ’, with housing mismatched to needs as they age and often with little desire or financial resources to move (Howe 2013).
Hence, motorised transport is more important to older people than ever before. The car has become central to this hyperconnectivity, affording the traversing of long distances without recourse to large physical exertion. In high-income and a growing number of low- to middle-income countries, societies and built environments have become so organised around the car, that those without a vehicle can become socially excluded. A divide occurs between those who can benefit from private vehicle ownership and those that experience the wider negative externalities of the car and car-dependent societies, including pollution, severance of communities, crashes and associated casualties. As older people have to give up driving licences , they become at risk of exclusion in car-centric societies.
Gattrell (2013) contends that mobilities scholars have not made much connection between mobility and well-being . Yet, when thinking about transport and ageing, the links between mobility and well-being are quite pronounced. Being mobile in later life is linked to quality of life (Schlag et al. 1996). Giving up driving, in particular, is linked to decrease in well-being and an increase in mental and physical health problems. This is due both to a reduction in ability to get out and about but also related to psychological issues associated with freedom, status, norms and independence (Edwards et al. 2009; Fonda et al. 2001; Ling and Mannion 1995; Marottoli et al. 1997, 2000; Mezuk and Rebok 2008; Musselwhite and Haddad 2010; Musselwhite and Shergold 2013; Peel et al. 2002; Ragland et al. 2005; Windsor et al. 2007; Ziegler and Schwanen 2011).
In higher-income countries, the use of the car has become ubiquitous across the lifecourse, resulting in a large increase in both the number of older drivers and the distances travelled. Compared with previous generations, older adults are much more likely to own a vehicle, particularly women (see Chapter 2). At the same time, walking , cycling and non-urban bus use have generally been in decline across age groups, although there are some signs that this is changing. The decline of public transport as a result of car-centric mobility corresponds in many cases with the geographical location of populations of older people, meaning that issues of transport-related exclusion can be particularly significant for older adults in more suburban or rural areas without adequate public transport .
From the point of view of reducing isolation and loneliness and providing safe mobility options for older adults, it is easy to see maintaining driving and private car use for as long as possible as a panacea. From this perspective, emerging transport options such as autonomous vehicles are seen as being a perfect technological solution to mobility problems for older people, affording them high levels of mobility with minimum effort. How far this will be a reality is questionable. Such a perspective is at odds with policy agendas of sustainability and active ageing . The topic of autonomous vehicles is picked up in Chapters 3, 9, and 10. Focussing more on the structural issues of car dependence could mean that alternative modes of transport would provide similar levels of mobility . Tran...