A book is a dead man, a sort of mummy , embowelled and embalmed, but that once had flesh, and motion, and a boundless variety of determinations and actions. I am glad that I can, even upon these terms, converse with the dead, with the wise and the good of revolving centuries. (William Godwin, Fleetwood , 1805)
A global event brought
Frankenstein; or, The Modern Prometheus into being. In 1815, Indonesiaâs Mount Tambora erupted with thunderous detonating sounds, its effects ricocheting on more distant coastlines with devastating tsunamis. It was, and remains, one of the largest eruptions in recorded history. The veil created by the spreading ash, in combination with the release of toxic gases infiltrating the stratosphere, had a worldwide effect, as would Mary Shelleyâs
Frankenstein, the novel it helped to birth. The resulting extreme climate change had fortuitous literary aftershocks for it forced the visitors at Lord Byronâs
summer home, the
Villa Diodati on the shores of Lake
Geneva, to remain indoors and entertain themselves by recounting ghost stories
. Thus were the seismic conditions that saw the genesis of Mary Shelleyâs
Frankenstein set in motion.
In the same way as the volcanic eruption upset the eco-system, blasting human and geographical boundaries, so too did the novel upset religious sensibilities while unsettling assumptions about science and technology . As Muriel Spark argued over 70 years ago, Shelleyâs singular novel was pioneering. This first work of science fiction (1951: 133) paved the way for a new domain of literary speculation and adventure.1 Frankenstein was also âa new and hybrid fictional speciesâ (128), Spark argued, that engendered distinctive and long-term literary aftershocks: marking âthe apexâ of an old-school Gothic fiction, it signalled a new speculative species combining the supernatural and the scientific. This bold, innovative departure in Gothic literature conjured up a compelling narrative recipe: the traditional setting of feudal antiquity was rejected in favour of a more contemporary scene with its distinct fears and anxieties; the malevolent monk of earlier Gothic novels was supplanted by an overreaching scientist; the traditional villainâs castle was replaced by a laboratory; the identification of the villain was confounded; and the putative âmonster â granted a sympathy-inducing sensibility and eloquence.
Perhaps most radically, Shelleyâs first novel reached back to such classics as Shakespeareâs Hamlet and Miltonâs Paradise Lost whilst addressing contemporary Enlightenment debates about nature, human nature, being, scientific experimentation, socio-political institutions, and the psychological problem of evil to stake out new territory later classified by critic Robert Hume as âmetaphysical Gothicâ (1969: 290). Like other works of Romanticism but in what Hume claims was a less coherent and articulate fashion, Frankenstein meditated on existential, ontological, and epistemological questions. In so doing, it inspired and paved the way for such meditative Gothic works as James Hoggâs The Private Memoirs and Confessions of a Justified Sinner (1824), Emily BrontĂ«âs Wuthering Heights (1847), and Herman Melvilleâs Moby Dick (1851). Despite Percy Bysshe Shelleyâs attempts in the Preface to the anonymously published first edition to disassociate Frankenstein from the Gothic, the work told a very different story,2 its author later underscoring in the Preface to her 1831 edition her objective of crafting a ghost story that âwould speak to the mysterious fears of our nature and awaken thrilling horrorâone that would make the reader dread to look round, to curdle the blood, and quicken the beatings of the heartâ (1994b: 195).
Frankenstein certainly met its affective objectives, the predominant response to the novel highlighting its spine-tingling terror in combination with its evocation, particularly in the opening creation scenes, of the horrifyingly grotesque. Fittingly, given the spectacular and sublime creature at its centre, Shelleyâs novel, first published anonymously, received several mixed reviews whose rhetoric mirrored the composition of her âhideous progenyâ (1994b: 197). Assuming, like many, that the author was male, of the Godwinian school, and possibly Percy Bysshe Shelley, Sir Walter Scott described Frankenstein in his Edinburgh Magazine review as a ânew species of novelâ at once âunnatural, even impiousâ (qtd. in Wolfson 2006: 370) that was both âwildly imaginativeâ and ârealisticâ (371). Another contemporary reviewer in The British Critic deemed the novel a âbizarreâ production that monstrously combined âhorrorâ and âabsurdityâ (qtd. in Wolfson 2006: 388â9), crafted by a writer âwith no common powers of mindâ (389). Just a few years in advance of the publication of Thomas de Quinceyâs The Confessions of an English Opium-Eater (1821), the British Critic reviewer, as if still in the throes of distress, described the powerful effects of the tale developed from Mary Shelleyâs âwaking dreamâ (Shelley 1994b: 195) to be opiate-like: âwe feel ourselves as much harassed, after rising from the perusal of these three spirit-wearying volumes, as if we had been over-dosed with laudanum, or hag-ridden by the night-mareâ (qtd. in Wolfson 2006: 387).
It is noteworthy that several positive critical assessments of Frankensteinâonce the authorâs true identity was known to the publicâsuch as that published in 1831 in the London Literary Gazette declaring the novel to be âone of the most original works that ever proceeded from a female penâ (qtd. in Wolfson 2006: 398; emphasis added), included qualifying statements, for better or for worse, about the authorâs sex and age. âIt is a wonderful work,â Byron (obviously aware early on about the authorâs true identity) wrote to his publisher, âfor a girl of nineteenâ (Schoene-Harwood 2000: 27; emphasis added), an assessment Shelley herself echoed in her reference to her novel as a âjuvenile effortâ in a thank-you letter to Sir Walter Scott (qtd. in Wolfson 2006: 378). Notably, and in keeping with the popular rhetoric deployed against Mary Shelleyâs parentsâMary Wollstonecraft and William Godwinâthe response to Shelley as a woman writer also conjured up the trope of the monster.3 Such commentary remained in evidence in the twentieth century after Frankenstein had suffered 130 years of critical neglect. Even Muriel Spark, whose critical biography Child of Light: A Reassessment of Mary Wollstonecraft Shelley (1951) is often credited with placing Shelley on the public and academic radar, deemed her not to be âwell acquainted with her own mindâ, something Spark says enhanced Shelleyâs story artistically because it tended towards âthe implicit utteranceâ as opposed to the explicit (1951: 129).
The idea of a monstrously mindless woman writer who, like her novelâs protagonist, lacked control over her creation, took hold in the popular critical imagination. As Ellen Moers has noted, the tendency was to regard Shelley, based on both her âextreme youthâ and her sex, ânot so much as an author in her own right as a transparent medium through which passed the ideas of those around herâ (1976: 94). In the words of Mario Praz, for example, in a passage hearkening back to traditional Victorian ideals about female passivity, â[a]ll Mrs. Shelley did was to provide a passive reflection of some of the wild fantasies which were living in the air about herâ (1951: 114; emphasis added). Ironically, this passage disparagingly comparing Frankenstein with Percy Bysshe Shelleyâs The Cenci (1819) directly contradicts Percyâs own assessment of Maryâs novel, as published in the Athenaeum in 1818, as âone of the most original and complete productions of its dayâ (qtd. in Wolfson 2006: 399). Even George Levine and U. C. Knoepflmacher , self-confessed âcloset aficionados of Mary Shelleyâs novelâ and the editors of The Endurance of Frankenstein: Essays on Mary Shelleyâs Novel (1979) who offhandedly remark in their Introduction that they âhalf-jokinglyâ (xi) undertook the first collection of scholarly essays devoted to Frankenstein, were motivated, they said, by such âvalidâ q...