The exhibition galleries at Jamestown Settlement in Jamestown, Virginia, appeal to the senses to introduce its visitors to the different cultural groups present in the area at the beginning of the seventeenth century.1 The galleries employ the conventional modern practice of placing artifacts carefully and safely behind a glass partition, distancing the museumgoer from these objects deemed worthy of preservation. This separates the potentially destructive present from the curated past these relics represent, except through the visual spectrum. But the first sense that may be engaged is hearing, for each exhibit in the gallery representing the year 1607 is preceded by a âsound-stick.â To use this sound-stick, one must pick it up and place it next to her ear, actively participating in order to engage with the sounds of a past cultural moment. Since there were obviously no recording devices in the early days of Jamestown, the soundbytes at the Jamestown Settlement museum are reconstructions. One of the sound-sticks plays a recording of the Lenape language, which is presented as the closest relative to the extinct Algonquian family of languages, while another sound-stick features the Kimbundu language, a dialect of Bantu, and similar to that spoken by the first Africans brought by force to the New World in 1619. While these cannot be âhistorically accurateâ representations of that language or its sounds, the curators of the museum clearly desired to provide a sonic medium for the museum patron to hear as part of the experience of â1607 Jamestown.â
As I contend throughout this book, it is clear that from the earliest written records that sound played an integral role in cross-cultural encounters. This legacy continues, as the Jamestown Settlement museum would suggest, for sounds (or, to modern museumgoers, reproductions of sounds) of the so-called New World are a vital component of the experience of this space.2 Unlike the arrowheads, pottery, garments, and other artifacts partitioned behind glass, the recordings of the sound-sticks allow the languages of the different cultural groups to interact with oneâs ear and other bodily mechanisms. They vibrate and shake up the listener, as well as provide a different sensory avenue of touching and being touched by the past.
Besides the African and âIndianâ languages, the English language of the early seventeenth century is presented for modern audiences to hear, should they choose. This sound-stick is in many ways the most fascinating, for it distances many members of the museumâs audience from their native tongue. Presenting a representation of âRenaissance Englishâ suggests that this type of English is archaic, even possibly foreign, and not the style or dialect of English one speaks or hears nowadays. At the same time, the sound-stick calibrates the listener to that very frequency of supposedly âdifferentâ sound. This double moveâpulling in opposite directionsâenacts a phenomenological experience of the sonic uncanny in the listener. Even more remarkable, however, are the words the listener hears: lines from Shakespeareâs Tempest . Not only are we meant to hear Renaissance English, but words from the most venerated writer in the history of the English language, indicating the huge cultural that capital Shakespeareâs name bears. But the lines we hear are ones spoken by the fool Trinculo, who derisively comments upon the English after he spies Caliban for the first time: âWere I in England now, as once I was, and had but this fish painted,â he speculates, ânot a holiday-fool there but would give a piece of silver. There would this monster make a manâany strange beast there makes a man. When they will not give a doit to relieve a lame beggar, they will lay out ten to see a dead Indianâ (2.2.26â31). The term âIndianâ here is often interpreted as indicating indigenous peoples of the âNew World,â and its use in the museum exhibit endorses this reading instead of recognizing the instability of word âIndianâ in this passageâa term that simultaneously points East and West of England.3 James Kearney argues that this moment is one in which Trinculo attempts âto divine the value of the exotic native on the European marketplaceâ through a humorous critique of both âholiday-fools and idle aristocratsâ who are characterized as ârubes taken in by monsters and strange beasts.â4 Yet, I wonder how many museumgoers realize the meta-reference to ourselves in this soundbyte, giving our hard-earned âpieces of silverâ in exchange for entering this museum precisely to see and hear the âexoticâ from days long past; this passage, moreover, suggests an uneasy similitude between representations of the native peoples museumgoers have just viewed and the fishy âislanderâ Caliban that Trinculo had just described.
Furthermore, the reference to a âdead Indianâ emphasizes the (perhaps deliberately) oft-neglected dark and tragic side of the âAmericanâ foundational story apparent in Trinculoâs lines5: as Scott Manning Stevens argues, âBoth the land and the inhabitants of the Americas had an effect on the Europeans. For the indigenous population, contact would very often prove fatal and would inevitably result in cultural disruptions that are difficult for most of us to appreciate today.â6 The pathogens termed âinvisible bulletsâ by Thomas Harriot and discussed famously by Stephen Greenblatt resulted in the decimation of indigenous peoples; these deaths, however, wereâas Trinculo positsâmarketable for Anglo-Europeans.7 Even the presentation of live Indians in England could be profitable: scholars estimate that dozens of âNew World Indiansâ were brought to England, many to London. These include Pocahontas, who died at Gravesend; Eiakintomino, who was pictured in his native dress in St. Jamesâs Park; Kalicho, who was brought to England by Martin Frobisher and died soon after; and Epenow, who was âshewed up and downe London for money as a wonder,â according to John Smith, but was one of the few who was eventually able to escape his captors.8
While there are no skeletal or organic remains of âIndiansâ on display at Jamestown Settlement in the manner that Trinculo describes, the museum displays statues of âdead Indians,â as well as artifacts from their village. In an ironic twist, one can travel the short distance over to Historic Jamestowne and see the remains, not of a âdead Indian,â but of three dead colonists, including Bartholomew Gosnold, in the Voorhees Archaearium. If the museum functions like Trinculo, and the exhibits like the spectacular âstrange beastâ Caliban, then we are the âholiday-foolsâ seeking a novel experience in Jamestown.
Sound is clearly one way to experience culture. This sentiment was expressed in the 2018 Shakespeare Association of America panel on âIndigenous Shakespeare and Cultural Translationsâ: two of the four panelists began their presentations by speaking words in their native languages, sharing sounds of otherness with the audience. Scott Manning Stevens greeted us with a Mohawk salutation and Laura Lehua Yim with one spoken in Hawaiian. And all panelists spoke about the importance of Amerindian languages, especially as it related to performance of Shakespeare. Stevens made the point that âLanguage is the one thing we want to share,â and by speaking Mohawk words to the audience, he did precisely that, calibrating everyone in the conference meeting room, the chairs, the walls, the bodies, and the building all present on Native American land to the frequency of Mohawk linguistic vibrations.
The title of this section suggests that the fascination with Amerindian and âNew World Indianâ sound still pervades modern American culture. The âNew World Symphonyâ is the popular name of AntonĂn DvoĆĂĄkâs Ninth Symphony (1893), which was subsequently taken to the moon during the Apollo 11 exploration of another ânew world.â The title as I deploy it is not meant to colonize the sounds of the âNew Worldâ with a Western orchestral scheme of music, but rather, to open up the meaning of âsymphonyâ to include nonmusical sounds and sonic collaborations between different cultures. DvoĆĂĄkâs symphony itself cites âNative American Indianâ music and African spirituals, even as this piece was performed with the standard instruments of a Western orchestra. The terms in this title can even be temporally relocated to the early modern period: the word âsymphony,â in the Renaissance, was suggestive of both a variety of instruments and their beautiful harmony, rather than an orchestral work.9 The phrase âNew Worldâ is absolutely a problematic one on many levels, and not least because it temporally and physically negates the millions of peoples who had been living in the region for centuries before Europeans arrived and called this world âNew.â10 In a similar way, âIndianâ is a term that highlights the very mistake the non-native newcomers made; it was first misapplied by Columbus, who termed the indigenous peoples âindiosâ because he (wrongly) assumed he was on the opposite side of the globe. While this term enacts another colonizing move, some modern-day peoples embrace this term because of that very mistake. Because early modern English and European peoples understood the Western hemisphere of the globe under the imprecise and incorrect conceptual framework of the âNew World,â rather than individual and individuated tribes, I retain that phrase in this study because of its use in the early modern period and to remind readers that travelers to the âNew Worldâ possessed, at best, a perfunctory understanding of the Occidental hemisphere of the globe. Although I will henceforth dispense w...