The idea to create this book came to us due to the limited number of pieces of scholarly literature dedicated to the analysis of LGBTQ+ activism in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). It is by no means caused by scant academic attention toward the situation with the rights of LGBTQ+ people in the region. Quite the opposite, the last two decades have seen a growing interest in the topic. A paper examining LGBTQ+ movements in Romania or Hungary would, without any doubt, be more than welcome in a number of well-respected academic journals and specialized conferences. There are, however, certain obstacles often difficult if not impossible to circumvent. First, in some of the post-socialist countries, LGBTQ+ movements themselves are barely institutionalized and often remain an inclusive circle of semi-secret meetings and events to which only those who belong to the community or its close allies can have access. Second, in many CEE countries, state sponsored or at least not addressed by the state homophobic context also prevails in domestic academia which makes the analysis of gender or LGBTQ+ issues less acceptable scholarly topics. The mission to conduct this kind of studies, therefore, often goes to an outsider, a scholar that comes equipped with an elaborate toolkit for high-quality academic research cultivated in Western academia. However, in multiple cases, such Western perspectives and approaches are often unable to distance themselves from the well-established paradigms. That (in addition to often limited knowledge of the local languages or absence of such), in turn, might limit scholarly attempts to understand specific local contexts.
Having said so, this book brings together scholars from several CEE countries in an attempt to get a better understanding of the emergence and development of LGBTQ+ movements in the region. The question of which particular countries should be included in this book was a difficult one. The volume includes the analysis of LGBTQ+ activism in Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Russia, and Ukraine. These particular cases were selected because they have common socialist past but different directions in domestic and foreign policies in regard to LGBTQ+ rights and activism. For example, Estonia is a member of the European Union and is one of the most progressive CEE countries in terms of LGBTQ+ rights. Poland, Hungary, and Romania, on the other hand, are also EU members but demonstrate conservative tendencies and resistance toward LGBTQ+ rights and activism coming from conservative political and religious elites. In turn, Ukraine pursues deeper political and economic ties with the EU and aims to adopt non-discriminative legislation regarding LGBTQ+ people. However, Russia promotes conservative and anti-Western discourse and shows growing discrimination toward LGBTQ+ people and activists. Thus, the volume aims to examine differences in policies and the impact those policies have upon LGBTQ+ activism in the region. The analysis of CEE LGBTQ+ movements provides a useful contribution to comparative politics and queer studies.
Furthermore, as the recent wave of nationalism has spread across the CEE region, national governments and/or political elites seem to have become keener on emphasizing their differences from the EU/West, Russia, or even both by emphasizing their own national uniqueness. Thus, in October 2018, the Hungarian government under Prime Minister Viktor Orban removed accreditation for national universitiesâ gender studies programs claiming that there are only two genders, âfemale and male,â in spite of the wide criticism by the European Parliament and international organizations (Kent and Tapfumaneyi 2018). In Poland, starting from 2016, policymakers from the ruling Law and Justice party have been regularly attempting to ban abortion that facilitated enormous mass mobilization (Santora and Berendt 2018). In October 2018, Romania held a referendum regarding constitutional changes to define marriage as a union between a man and a woman exclusively (Buyantueva 2018b). Not to mention the adoption of the law banning gay propaganda to minors in Russia and attempts to pass similar bills in other former socialist countries (i.e., Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan). While these events can be seen as a backlash against LGBTQ+ rights and gender equality in CEE countries, the present collection of chapters is aimed at presenting the current state of affairs in the region as one of the unintended consequences of democratization and Western norm diffusion in the region.
There are a growing number of works analyzing non-heterosexual sexualities in CEE countries (Baer 2009; Essig 1999; Healey 2018; Kulpa and MizieliĹska 2011; Szulc 2018; Stella 2015; VÄrdiĹĹĄ and OzoliĹĹĄ 2016). In recent years, LGBTQ+ activism in the region also started to attract increasing scholarly attention. Scholars have analyzed various specific aspects such as the role of international and transnational actors, networks, and tools (Ayoub 2016; Belavusau and Kochenov 2016; Binnie and Klesse 2014; OâDwyer 2012), employment of Western ideas and values and other tactics and strategies (BiliÄ 2016; BiliÄ and Dioli 2016; Butterfield 2016; Caudwell 2018; Holzhacker 2012; Kondakov 2013; Moss 2014; Rexhepi 2016), issues and tensions within LGBTQ+ communities and among activists (BatriÄeviÄ and CvetiÄ 2016; HodĹžiÄ et al. 2016; Hura 2016), and state and public backlash against LGBTQ+ activists (Gould and Moe 2015; Gruszczynska 2009; Kajevska 2016; OâDwyer 2018). OâDwyer, for example, is one of the few scholars analyzing LGBTQ+ movements in the region. In his study of the Eastern European countries, he provides an extensive analysis of factors affecting the emergence and development of LGBTQ+ movements in Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, and Slovakia. In line with some other scholars (Gruszczynska 2009; Kajevska 2016), OâDwyer argues that an increase in anti-LGBTQ+ public and political rhetoric, sentiments, and even violence had a positive effect on LGBTQ+ activism. Instead of causing civic and political submission of LGBTQ+ activists, backlash brings more resourceful, outspoken, and organized movement. In turn, Gould and Moe (2015) and Mole (2016) argue that the growing visibility of LGBTQ+ activists and/or increased pressure by the Western actors such as the EU had a negative impact on attitudes toward LGBTQ+ people and activists among political elite and wider population in countries like Russia, Latvia, and Serbia. This book contributes to this literature by offering in-depth perspectives into a various dynamics of the emergence and development of LGBTQ+ movements in CEE countries. Notwithstanding the geographical and thematic range of the authorsâ foci, the volume has uniting elements. The book discusses the applicability of Western ideas and concepts to the post-socialist context, their ability to fully understand local nuances and complexities in regard to sexuality and, thus, the dynamics of LGBTQ+ activism. Furthermore, when nowadays some CEE political elites and public become increasingly supportive of nationalist ideas while others argue for closer relations with the âWest,â the book provides important insights into the impact of Western actors in promoting liberal democratic values in the region and possible domestic political and social backlashes that might be caused by it.
The authors of this volume investigate domestic forms of LGBTQ+ activism that developed in post-socialist CEE. We explore various issues faced by LGBTQ+ activists, tactics, and strategies they develop and adopt in pursuit of their goals. LGBTQ+ movements in these countries have different levels of development depending on political and social contexts. At the same time, some issues are similar, and yet so different, for many LGBTQ+ activists across the globe such as issues of identity, discrimination, and homophobia. LGBTQ+ movements of the region frequently experience backlashes from state and society.
In the Introduction to this book, we discuss the impact of social and political environments on local LGBTQ+ activists and communities in the CEE region. Then we provide an outline of the content of the volume according to the three thematic areas: (1) Western perspectives and local context, (2) the role of the state in affecting LGBTQ+ activism, and (3) the development of LGBTQ+ movements in CEE.
LGBTQ+ Activism, Society, and the State in Central and Eastern Europe
This section provides a brief overview of the emergence and development of LGBTQ+ activism in the CEE countries. It examines how state policies affected same-sex relations and LGBTQ+ identities, what impact they had on the formation of local LGBT communities, networks, and activists.
Against the popular belief that criminalization of homosexuality was one of the by-products of Stalin politics (Alexander 2018, p. 31), the cases of trials of homosexual men and lesbian couples from the 1920s show that, already starting from the earlier years of the Soviet rule, the regime viewed homosexuality as the âproduct of capitalist decadenceâ (Engelstein 1995, p. 155). Voluntary sexual relations between men could be penalized for up to five years of imprisonment while being in a lesbian relationship could result in incarceration in a psychiatric clinic (Essig...