In early November 1872, some 101 years since the birth of Sir Walter Scott and forty years after his death, a group of prominent New Yorkers and over 5,000 spectators gathered in Central Park to unveil a new monument. Its cornerstone had been laid the summer before, a timely keeping of Scottâs centenary. On this afternoon, the dedication ceremony featured bagpipes, immigrant Highlanders in military costume, and groups performing, in telling conjunction, both âGod Save the Queenâ and âHail Columbiaâ. 1 An account of this event, published in the New York Times on November 2, preserves the opening remarks of the memorial committee chairman, who rejoices that Scott now joins Shakespeare, his best and most fitting company, in Central Parkâs outdoor answer to Poetsâ Corner. The Times also reproduces the dayâs keynote address, delivered by the aged William Cullen Bryant (a regular speaker at such commemorative events), here lauded as a âkindred geniusâ to Walter Scott. Bryant wears âa sprig of heather in the breast of his overcoatâ and reports himself especially pleased and enthusiastic at the cityâs effort to add âhuman associations, historical [and] poeticâ, to Central Parkâs âshades, lawns, rocks, and watersâ. âHenceforthâ, he prophesies, âthe silent earth at this spot will be eloquent of old traditionsâ, a sacred ground of memory and imagination. 2
This moment of transatlantic cultural theater prompts various questions: Why all this to-do and excitement? Why so much effort to establish a patch of âclassic groundâ in Manhattan? And why, specifically, erect a monument in America to a foreign (in this case, Scottish) writer? But what may seem a slightly strange gesture to our twenty-first century sensibilities was, for the nineteenth century, not at all unusual. In fact, its very conventionality is one reason why it now deserves attention. The raising of this statue of Walter Scott in Central Park is best understood as a typical episode in the larger commemoration movement that characterized BritishâAmerican literary culture. What Philip Waller has called the âliterary marmoreal movementâ and what, at the time, was described as the âpresent rage for centenariesâ 3 reached a crescendo on both sides of the Atlantic in the decades approaching the turn of the twentieth century, as statues, busts, commemorative plaques, and memorial ceremonies honoring beloved authors became a customary mode of literary expression. 4 That this was a transnational movement lent cross-cultural vitality to the phenomenon, as Americans raised memorials to British authors (both at home and in Britain itself) and Britons in turn paid tribute to American authors, in some cases crossing the Atlantic to do so. When, for example, a group of Boston Keats devotees erected a memorial bust of the poet in Hampstead Parish Church in 1894, Walter Besant enthusiastically accepted this American tribute on English ground and contemplated ways the English might reciprocate: âwe might present a statue of Hawthorne to the pretty little town of Concord. We might put up a bust of Washington Irving in the City Hall of New York. We might give a statue of Oliver Wendell Holmes to the great hall of Harvard.â 5 Such gestures, whether realized or merely notional, were characteristic of a literary culture in which the finest sensibilities were often proven and the highest tributes paid in marble or bronze as well as in print.
We begin this volume with the anecdote of a Walter Scott statue in Central Park because it offers a window into a nineteenth-century literary culture that was decidedly transatlantic, author-loving, and in key respects supra-textualâthat is, capable of escaping the printed page and finding expression in material culture and in the affective responses and activities of readers. The chapters of this volume share the general assumption that âliteratureâ does not confine itself to books; rather, they explore what has been called literatureâs âsocial lifeâ. 6 Accordingly, they pose a number of questions: By what various means did âEnglish Literatureâ come into being? How did it find its way into the hearts and homes of its readers? What fascinations, diversions, cultural expressions, and social affiliations did it inspire? What collective values did it embody? And finally, following David Harlanâs simple observation that âwe are who we are, at least in part, by virtue of the people and ideas we care aboutâ, 7 how did a love of English Literature and its authors shape regional, national, and transnational identities? In addressing such questions, the chapters of the volume also make the specific case that what came to be called and canonized as English Literature in the twentieth century was largely a nineteenth-century Anglo-American invention, the product of a wide range of inscriptional and material practices animated by the affective, social, and identificatory experiences of readers.
By describing English Literature as a transatlantic invention, we mean not only to emphasize the significant role nineteenth-century Americans played in determining what came to count as canonical reading, but also to uncover the degree to which âEnglishâ, as a category of identity and affiliation, functioned transnationally. Throughout the nineteenth century, âEnglishâ shifted between national, linguistic, ethnic, and racial connotations, and English-speaking people around the world, particularly in the USA, played a significant role in shaping what âEnglishnessâ meant at any given time. Indeed, many of the nineteenth-century terms associated with English identity, such as âAnglo-Saxonâ, were originally used predominantly in North America, contributing to the recasting of English ethnicity as a transnational brotherhood united by language and cultural memory. 8 In the performance of English identity, even Britons at times ceded the leading role to the Americans. Charles Wentworth Dilkeâs influential book of 1868, Greater Britain, envisioned a âworldwide confederation of Anglo-Saxonsâ, but it was the English in America, he claimed, who were most influentially spreading the values and language of English: âThrough America, England is speaking to the world.â 9 It is a short, if paradoxical, step from such visions of the English-speaking world as a âgreater EnglandââPrime Minister Gladstoneâs community of âEnglish-speaking peoplesââto an acknowledgment that Englishness has perhaps its fullest expression not in England, but in America. â[T]here is not in America a greater wonder than the Englishman himselfâ, Dilke writes, âfor it is to this continent that you must come to find him in full possession of his powersâ. 10 The growing sense that Englishness did not signify attachment to a particular place of origin as much as a portable set of imaginative identifications meant that Englishness was increasingly understood as something âcreated for the diasporaâan ethnic identity designed for those who were precisely not English, but rather of English descentâ 11 âor, if not ethnically English (because America was, after all, more racially diverse than this discourse suggested), nonetheless eager to lay claim to aspects of English heritage. England becomes something âbest imagined abroad, or imagined from abroadâ, to adopt Robert Youngâs phrase, and it is precisely the element of distance suggested by the term âabroadâ that becomes critical to the identity and experience of international Englishness and Anglophilia in the final decades of the nineteenth century. As Young concludes, âThis dialectic of attachment to England, yet distance from it, of continuity and rupture, similarity and difference, became the dominant characteristic of Englishness itself.â 12
The idea of Englishness as a diasporic identity, one created by and for people living at a distance from England, must inform our understanding of the creation and consolidation of English Literature to a greater extent than it has. So, too, must a greater allowance for the constructive role of reception, for English Literature was the product of readers and reading as much as it was the product of writers and writing. The principles underpinning our scholarly practice for the past two decades have made us well able to describe how social and historical factors influence writers and texts; we are adept at situating a text in the particular national, local, political, and social context surrounding its writing. We also routinely analyze how the text, in turn, shaped its immediate world. And yet, despite major strides in scholarship (especially in book history, afterlives studies, collection history, and cultural memory studies), we are generally less attuned to the long-term contexts of reading and reception, less able to see, describe, and analyze the material archive of readersâ engagement with literature, dispersed, as it is, both temporally and geographically. We agree with Rita Felski, who has argued that while we âcannot close our eyes to the historicity of artworksâ, we nevertheless âsorely need alternatives to seeing them as transcendentally timeless on the one hand, and imprisoned in their moment of origin on the otherâ. 13 Literary history opens itself to new kinds of evidence when we emphasize textsâ extended consumption, transmission, celebration, and remediation histories. As Ann Rigney has modeled in her study of Walter Scottâs âafterlivesâ, the best way to measure the impact of an author or book on literary culture may not lie in the scrutiny of print runs, sale numbers, or reviews at the moment of publication, but instead in the investigation of a workâs âprocreativityâ, its ability to generate theatrical adaptations, visual illustrations, imitations, parodies, baby names, place names, merchandise, tourist sites, monuments, and other cultural offspring. 14 Catherine Robson notes the extent to which reception history challenges the âhegemony within academic literary studies of author-centered periodizationâ; 15 we would add that it shakes up the equally entrenched practice of nation-based categorization, insofar as we can consider Longfellow as an âEnglish poetâ (memorialized in Westminster Abbey) who happens to hail from the USA, or Scott and Dickens as Americaâs most popular novelists.
When we consider authors in terms of when and where they were most read and beloved, and not strictly in terms of when and where they lived and wrote, the figure of the author takes on new functions and dimensions. Shifting focus to the reader does not necessary imply the erasure or âdeathâ of the author in the Barthesian sense (though it does tend to make the author ghostly, a friendly spirit or imagined presence to be encountered both in books and geographical âhauntsâ). On the contrary, as the individual chapters of this volume will demonstrate, readers often insist on keeping authors âaliveâ and at the center of their reading and memorial practices. 16 What makes the transfer of interest and affection from text to author possibleâand indeed what encourages readers to move beyond the text into prolonged, imaginative engagements with its author, characters, landscapes, and storiesâis the extent to which literary culture functioned as a structure for personal and social feeling. Indeed, as important new scholarship has made increasingly evident, the nineteenth century saw the rise and consolidation of English Literature as an object of affective ties and relations, both in the sense that literature and books became things to be loved in their own right, and that they became an important currency in social and emotional relations more generally. 17 Andrew Piper and Deidre Lynch have each described the various ways in which literature and literary culture underwent a process of âpersonalizationâ in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, a process that involved concomitant practices of personifying the artifacts, materials, and forms of the literary world: the book, the page, the collected...