Evolving Narratives of Hazard and Risk

The Gorkha Earthquake, Nepal, 2015

Louise Bracken, Hanna A. Ruszczyk, Tom Robinson, Louise Bracken, Hanna A. Ruszczyk, Tom Robinson

• Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan
• Year: 2018
• Print ISBN: 9783319652108
• eBook ISBN: 9783319652115
• Topic: Biological Sciences
• Subtopic: Environment & Energy Policy
• Index: Biological Sciences

This book presents a range of academic research and personal reflections on the Gorkha earthquake that struck Nepal in 2015. For the first time, perspectives from geography, disaster risk reduction, cultural heritage protection, archaeology, anthropology, social work, health and emergency response are discussed in a single volume. Contributions are included from practitioners and researchers from Nepal and Durham University in the UK, many of whom were in Nepal at the time of the earthquake.

Evolving Narratives of Hazard and Risk explores the event of the earthquake, its consequences and its impacts, to provide a holistic and multi-perspective understanding of this special hazard and its significant ramifications for social, political, economic and cultural aspects of life in Nepal. The book highlights how these multiple perspectives are needed to inform each other in order to develop and shape new ways of thinking and interacting with environmental hazards.

This collection of works will be of interest to students and academics of Environment Studies, Human Geography and Environmental Policy, and will be of particular relevance to those involved in risk research and managing risk and hazard events.

Part IEarthquake Preparedness and Response

© The Author(s) 2018

Louise Bracken, Hanna A. Ruszczyk and Tom Robinson (eds.)Evolving Narratives of Hazard and Riskhttps://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65211-5_1

Begin Abstract

1. Introduction to the Gorkha Earthquake

Hanna A. Ruszczyk¹ and Tom Robinson¹

(1)

Department of Geography, Durham University, Durham, UK

Keywords

EarthquakeDisaster riskEarthquake preparedness and responseDisciplinary perspectives.

End Abstract

1.1 The Earthquake

On 25 April 2015 at 11:56 a.m., the first jolts of a major earthquake were felt in the small town of Gorkha in central Nepal. Almost 9000 people died, over 22,000 injured, 1 million homes either destroyed or damaged (Government of Nepal, Ministry of Home Affairs and Disaster Preparedness Network-Nepal 2015), thus resulting in a further 2.8 million people homeless across 14 districts of Nepal. Although felt in India, China and as far away as Bangladesh, the Gorkha earthquake, as it became known, and the aftershocks that followed, gave the brunt of its devastation in Nepal. The earthquake, with a magnitude of 7.8 (USGS 2015) and the subsequent magnitude 7.3 aftershock in Sindhupalchok district on 12 May, was the largest earthquake and worst natural hazard to strike the country in 81 years. Not since the devastating 1934 Nepal-Bihar earthquake, estimated to have had a magnitude of 8+, had Nepal suffered such a devastating event (Fig. 1.1).

Fig. 1.1

Efforts post-earthquake to help affected people and to assess damage (Source: NSET)

Yet this was not the big one that many scientists, humanitarians, politicians and members of the public had feared and discussed in the years before 2015. This was not the feared mega-quake that would unzip several hundreds of kilometres of the main Himalayan Fault and strike the direct hit on Kathmandu (Feldl and Bilham 2006). The Gorkha earthquake was certainly big—not just the worst disaster in Nepal in recent memory but the worst natural disaster of 2015 globally. But the threat of the big one remains, thus not alleviating fear of further destruction.

Disasters do not occur in political, social or economic vacuums. National and local geographies of inequality, ethnicity, caste, gender relations and social and economic marginalisation shape response and long-term recovery for those who remain (Hyndman 2011; Sidaway et al. 2008) to rebuild their lives, communities and country. Only five months after the Gorkha earthquake, the long-discussed but never agreed constitution was unexpectedly approved with a large majority by the constituent assembly. This was greeted with controversy, especially in southern Nepal along the border with India, where protests had already been visible during the summer months and even more so after the signing in September. Within 48 hours of the passage of the constitution, there were sit-ins on the key border crossings, and India ceased all movement of trade into Nepal through these routes, through which 85% of all goods enter Nepal.

The impact of the Gorkha earthquake and subsequent political and economic crisis has thus been felt in many different ways across different communities throughout Nepal. The World Bank (2016a, 1) appropriately stated that ‘2015 will be remembered as the year of twin shocks for Nepal’. The impact of the dual disasters will continue to be felt for many years.

1.2 Background

Nepal is a land-locked Himalayan country located between the Asian giants of China and India. Nepal has a population of over 26 million people according to the most recent census (Government of Nepal, National Planning Commission 2012), although difficulties with data collection means the World Bank estimates the population is closer to 30 million (World Bank 2013). Over 80% of Nepal is mountainous, and the remaining 20% is made up of flat, low-lying fertile land along the Indian border, known in Nepal as the Terai. Effectively a closed nation until the mid-twentieth century, this former kingdom has seen significant changes in the past 60 years. In 1950, Nepal had few roads, now 43% of the rural population has access to an all-season road and over 17,000 km of roads exist (World Bank 2017). Adult literacy has increased from 21% in 1980 to 60% in 2010 (Rigg et al. 2016), while the percentage of people living below the national poverty line declined from 42% in 1996 to 25% in 2010 (Government of Nepal, National Planning Commission and the UNDP 2011).

Nepal was governed by royal dynasties until the early 1990s, when several political parties launched a popular prodemocracy movement. The political changes raised expectations of social and economic progress for most Nepalese, in a country highly managed by caste and other hierarchies that left most people very poor. Since democracy was adopted in 1990, Nepal has had over 23 governments. In 1995, the Community Party of Nepal made plans to launch an armed struggle, the People’s War, with the goal to better the standard of living for Nepalese people. In 1996, the armed insurgency against the government began. This Maoist-led insurgency lasted a decade, ending in 2006, and resulted in over 13,000 deaths and significantly stifled national socioeconomic development. A Maoist-dominated government was democratically elected in August 2007. Long-term political instability has reigned, and the country is struggling to overcome the legacy of the conflict. As of early 2017, politicians continue to disagree on the new promulgated constitution of September 2015 and discussions leading to a federal state for Nepal continue.

Along with agriculture, which contributes 30% of the gross domestic product (GDP), remittances and the service sector have emerged as major contributors to the economy. Today, Nepal’s economy relies on a combination of agriculture (predominantly rice and wheat), tourism and remittances from its young men who work mainly in Malaysia, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, UAE and Kuwait (Government of Nepal, Ministry of Labour and Employment 2014, 6). In 2014, remittances contributed 29% of the GDP (ibid., 36; World Bank databank 2016b) and currently are one of the leading factors behind Nepal’s remarkable successes in human development in the last 40 years, contributing significantly to the reduction of poverty since 1995 (United Nations 2011). It is these remittances that are fuelling people’s ability to rebuild post-earthquake.

Despite the contribution to the economy and poverty reduction, this reliance on remittances has notable downsides. The number of Nepalese households receiving remittance has increased from 23% in 1995–96 to 56% of all households in 2010–11 (Government of Nepal, Central Bureau of Statistics 2011). Of the households receiving remittances, such monies make up 31% of the household’s total income (ibid.), and daily consumption uses 79% of total remittances received. It is clear Nepal’s households depend heavily on its young male international migrants rather than on the country’s own economy. This leaves many young Nepalese men with a difficult choice: stay and help rebuild after the earthquake or leave and send back their earnings.

1.3 Disaster Risk in Nepal

Over the last five centuries, deaths from earthquake disasters globally have consistently averaged 100,000 per year, with some experts suggesting this rate is increasing (Bilham 2004). With more than 90% of all earthquakes affecting the Asia-Pacific region (hence the colloquial term Pacific ‘Ring of Fire’), it is not surprising that the largest number of deaths from earthquakes each year is in Asia (International Federation of Red Cross 2009). Nepal is ranked 11th in the world in terms of vulnerability to earthquakes (UNDP 2004). Situated in the middle portion of the Hindu Kush Himalayan region, a high seismic risk zone, Nepal has a long history of destructive earthquakes (Mugnier et al. 2013; Government of Nepal, Ministry of Home Affairs 2011). It is prone to other natural hazards as well, such as flooding and landslides, both of which occur annually during the summer monsoon, and the latter of which occur in the thousands during a major earthquake (Kargel et al. 2016). This combination of ‘multiple hazard events poses a severe threat to national development processes’ (ADPC et al. 2010, xii), and the World Bank (Dilley et al. 2005) considers Nepal one of the global hot spots for natural disasters.

While strong earthquakes in Nepal are infrequent, they almost always result in some level of loss. In 1833, two major earthquakes were experienced in the Kathmandu Valley, causing widespread damage. In 1834, four major earthquakes occurred in just two months. On 16 January 1934, perhaps Nepal’s most infamous earthquake occurred: the great Nepal-Bihar earthquake, which, as the name suggests, also affected Bihar, India. This earthquake had an estimated moment magnitude (M _w) of 8.4 and according to Rana (1935, translated into English Lall 2013) killed 8519 people across eastern Nepal. In the recent past, on 18 September 2011, an earthquake of M _w 6.8 struck Nepal’s eastern region as well as the capital Kathmandu, in the central region. This resulted in damage to houses, buildings and schools in 13 districts.

1.4 Scope of the Book

Disasters are not natural; they are human made (O’Keefe et al. 1976). Building codes, zoning policies, environmental regulations and enforcement of laws all influence outcomes of major events such as earthquakes (Hyndman 2011). Earthquakes are a particularly special hazard event: There is a rupturing that earthquakes create that is beyond our control and understanding (Simpson 2013; Hyndman 2011). An earthquake is more than the physical shaking. The ramifications are complex and interconnected. The impact of an earthquake is expressed in fits and burs...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Front Matter
• Part I. Earthquake Preparedness and Response
• Part II. Disciplinary Perspectives