Religion and associated religious violence has, especially since 2001, become an increasingly topical subject, both in the media and in the academia. However, to anyone who has seriously studied the topic there often appears to be a gross ignorance of the nature and role of religion and different religions in both the public and the political discourse, which is, perhaps, to be somewhat expected. More alarming is the often gross ignorance of the topic in academia, especially in the international relations and security studies area that primarily deals with the problem of religious violence. As an example, an American intern (Sean Hermann) working with James Dingley at Queenâs University Belfast in 2016 reviewed all the articles published in the top international security journal Studies in Conflict and Terrorism on the topic of Islamic fundamentalism and terrorism since 2001. We found 36 articles via using a keyword search: in only six of them did they define Islam, only two made any attempt to distinguish between any of the different branches of Islam and none of them defined either terrorism or radicalism.
For a top academic journal (albeit part of Rand Corporation) this does not augur well for serious intellectual understanding of a complex phenomenon that is supposedly posing a serious threat to Western society, even at one stage an existential threat.1 It places understanding Islamic violence on the same level as trying to understand violence in Northern Ireland as simply between Christians, without understanding any of the significant differences between Protestants and Roman Catholics that have led to 500 years of religious wars within Christendom since the Reformation (1517). Unfortunately, this latter point is also too often the case.
There is also a general failure in the Western modern secular age to not only view everything solely from a Western perspective but also dismiss religion as unimportant or simply a lifestyle choice that should not enter politics or any other arena of public or political life. This overlooks the fact that most politics is an extension of religious belief and values, thus philosopher A.C. Grayling (2007; an avowed atheist) identifies the roots of liberal democracy in the Christian Reformationâsimilarly in our market economics, rooted very deeply in the New Light Presbyterian theology of Adam Smith and his teacher Francis Hutcheson2 (Broadie 2007; Herman 2003). As such, when the West tries to export its ideas to the rest of the world, it fails to appreciate the extent to which it is exporting its religious values and structures (no matter how âsuccessfulâ) into another religionâs structure, system of beliefs and values. This somewhat naturally leads to a conflict of religions, a cosmic conflict where one system does violence to another and violently offends its God(s).
This then brings one on to the entire question of violence and its central role in nearly all religions, even if purely at the symbolic level. Thus sacrifice, especially blood, is common to most religions, the Gods live on human sacrifices, the Gods are also above normal human constraintsâthey make and break their own laws. Religion utilises symbols and ceremonies to develop emotional and spiritual experiences, just like organised military forces (Dingley 2010). Nearly all the studies of religion have shown a clear relation between religion and violence that would run counter to the normal laymanâs view of religion as pacific and all about love and peace.
It is the aim of this collection of studies and ethnographies to correct some of these misapprehensions so that the question of religious violence can be better understood in both a wider and deeper mannerâalso, by specifically placing greater emphasis on the Middle East and Islamic countries to alert the reader to a less Western-orientated perspective that does not assume the problem purely from a Western position. Indeed, we would go further and suggest the ignorance of much Western thinking on (Islamic) religion, violence, culture, society, religion and politics, as suggested in our reference to the above Studies in Conflict and Terrorism. And this may be part of the problem for the West.
The book is based on a series of papers presented at a conference in Milan (2016)3 and then rewritten and revised for this book. All the papers were selected on the basis of representing a cross section of different cultural and national perspectives (Italian, British, Kurdish, Turkish, Ukrainian) in a variety of different locations (Ukraine, Northern Ireland, Iraq, Syria, China, Lebanon, Turkey, Georgia). In addition, we include one theoretical chapter examining the history and role of religion in social science analysis so as to give the reader a general orientating perspective from which to understand the following chapters. This in turn has enabled us to identify key points in all the chapters of more general interest to an understanding of the role of religion and violence in the contemporary world.
On a general level several key questions emerge; first, just how accurate was Nietzsche in claiming that God was dead. In fact He appears to be remarkably alive and fighting in many parts of the world. Does this imply that it is Western secularism that has got it wrong? Perhaps the West needs to rediscover God and how active He is in the world, rather than simply dismissing âothersââ religion as we pursue our vested (secularised Christian) interests. In the West we generally defer to âscienceâ and the legacy of the Enlightenment (reason, rationality and objectivity) as our legitimating value system, yet how different or morally better is this than religion? In addition, we tend to forget how conflated science and religion originally were in Christendom: God revealed himself via two books, the Bible and the Book of Nature, and science was merely the correct reading of the latter to better understand Godâs laws and so get closer to Godâs will (Brooke 1991). Perhaps we have fatally forgotten this latter dimension in the West, which is why we can no longer comprehend a religious imperative.
Another problem that emerges lies in much of the contemporary discourse of post-modernism and post-colonialism and their critique of imposing universalising Western values. However, when it comes to human rights, or more specifically (for feminists) womenâs rights, this is exactly what many post-modern and anti-colonialists do, assuming Western (Christian) values should represent a norm. Thus the rights of minority cultures and identities are vigorously defended against homogenising and universalising Western trends, whilst defending homogenising local identities that would deny individual universal human rights. Perhaps there may be universal values and standards that have an objective reality that make minority cultures redundant and these values lie in scienceâthat is not so much Western as that an appreciation of them emerged first in the West, but the West may misapply (perhaps through forgetting its appreciation of God).
Finally, we would note for readersâ attention that the primary emphasis in this book is on the relational or structural aspects of religion, rather than on the values, beliefs and ideas contained within it. Two key reasons for this lie in the fact that this was what most of the papers presented in the original conference tended to emphasise whilst also referring to values. Second, given the current vogue for post-modern and/or critical theory, this structural dimension tends to be, in our opinion, grossly overlooked, especially given the etymology of religion (religio; Latin = bonds and relations). And if there is one thing we would emphasise, it is just this that it is the bonds and relations contained within a religious system which provide it with its political mobilisation potential (one reason so many nationalist movements formed around a religious tradition). And in this lie the seeds of conflict as opposing structures of relations, and the vested interests within them, clash.
We are not arguing that structure alone is importantâmerely emphasising it in this book. However, we are aware of the importance of other dimensions, for example, sacred values and beliefs that inspire men to specific acts of violence such as sacrifice (of self or others), but in the space and time permitted for this particular publication, there is not the room, but we do hope to fill this gap in a future volume.
Bibliography
Broadie, Alexander. 2007. The Scottish Enlightenment. Edinburgh: Birlinn.
Brooke, John. 1991. Science and Religion. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Dingley, James. 2010. Terrorism and the Politics of Social Change. Farnham: Ashgate.
Dingley, James, and Sean Hermann. 2017. Terrorism, Radicalisation and Moral Panics: Media and Academic Analysis and Reporting of 2016 and 2017 âTerrorismâ. Small Wars and Insurgencies 28 (6): 996â1013.Crossref
Grayling, A.C. 2007. Towards the Light. London: Bloomsbury.
Herman, Arthur. 2003. The Scottish Enlightenment. London: Fourth Estate.
Introduction
Terrorism currently dominates the media headlines, often posed as an imminent threat which the West (primarily the US and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation [NATO]) feel obliged to fight a global war against. We are even told by some political leaders that it poses an existential threat, invariably left undefined, at least to our (Western) way of life.1 Much of this threat ârealisationâ followed the 2001 Twin Towers a...